Wednesday, August 10, 2005

Fidel's Shocker

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Analysis : Fidel Ramos' shock formula

Amando Doronila
Inquirer News Service

WITH A PERSISTENCE characteristic of the man, former President Fidel Ramos has addressed the argument that revising the 1987 Constitution alongside the impeachment proceedings against President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo could put competitive claims on the time and energy of Congress.

Misgivings have been expressed that Congress would be overloaded with two extremely important tasks with rather fundamental implications for political change -- the first involving the dismissal from office of a sitting president, and the other, constitutional change seeking a shift from the 70-year-old presidential system to the parliamentary system -- let alone doing normal legislation and being sidetracked by congressional investigations.

Speaking at the 104th anniversary of the defunct Philippine Constabulary-Integrated National Police, which Ramos headed during Ferdinand Marcos' martial-law regime, Ramos asserted that "impeachment, constitutional change and lawmaking can be done simultaneously."

The speech reflects the "can-do" mentality of Ramos, which is the hallmark of his high-performance presidency, but the agenda he proposed to fast-track constitutional change is a tall order and unrealistic. Members of Congress do not have the work ethic set by Ramos during his presidency.

Ramos urged members of Congress to change their bad habits and hold plenary sessions in the morning rather in the afternoon. At present, committee hearings, in which most of the bills are drafted, are held in the morning, if members are not diverted by congressional investigations.

Thus, Ramos proposed that members refrain from taking too many holiday breaks and junkets abroad. "Work 16 hours a day," Ramos said. "They should stop dinner meetings. They should just be served pan de sal and coffee. Food is expensive now. Let us cut out the frills and the extravagance."

One wonders whether legislators can accept a Spartan lifestyle. The menu he prescribed is barracks food. Ramos is not only stressing the urgency of constitutional change, he is also advocating a drastic lifestyle change and a work ethic that would send members of Congress into paroxysms of culture shock. Between lifestyle change and constitutional change, the former might be harder to undertake.

To be sure, Ramos lived up to this rigorous work regime during his presidency, which found him working longer hours than the fabled workaholics such as the Japanese and Koreans in their drive to transform the countries into advanced industrial economies. Ramos set a legislative agenda that performed and that received Congress' consensus.

The high performance of his administration -- in particular, the breaking of the energy shortage in his first year in office -- seems to have motivated Ramos to push constitutional change to the fast lane and to think that his agenda can be accomplished within a timeframe of six months, culminating in a switch to the parliamentary system by middle of 2006.

However, Ramos has to overcome the resistance to his call for constitutional change, coming from critics who suspect that the switch to the parliamentary system would pave the way for his return to power as prime minister, the same criticism hurled at Speaker Jose de Venecia, another advocate of speedy revision.

Other than that, the switch, it is alleged, is a mechanism that would divert the not inconsiderable public pressure on President Arroyo to step down because of allegations of cheating in the 2004 election to the process of constitutional revision and buy her precious breathing space, thereby prolonging her stay in office.

Since 1986, Ramos has played a pivotal role in, first, ousting the Marcos dictatorship, and, second, in defending the Corazon Aquino government from six coup attempts. At a critical moment of the Arroyo regime on July 8, when it was on the brink of collapse, Ramos intervened by coming to the side of Ms Arroyo and emphatically rejecting calls for her resignation. He also put on top of the national agenda of political change the issue of constitutional revision. Ramos' intervention is believed to have neutralized the intervention of the other Edsa People Power I key player, former President Aquino, who joined the resignation call.

Although Ramos' intervention was crucial to the Arroyo regime's survival, it would be too much to say that Ramos is now the power behind the regime and has taken it captive. That is exaggerating his role. Ramos' agenda seems to be larger and more important than opening space for a soft landing for President Arroyo from the current crisis.

Ramos' interventions have grown out of crises since 1986. These crises have defined his political outlook and have influenced his thinking that the succession of crises has demonstrated that the presidential system has proved to be dysfunctional, and has underlined the urgency of the shift to the parliamentary system.

Ramos has called attention to persistent gridlock in the adversarial system of checks and balances of the presidential system and the system's inflexibility. The stalemates that can't be broken within the system have driven conflicts over non-performing, venal and scandal-ridden governments for resolution to the streets through people power. The adaptability of the parliamentary system in averting crisis and dismissing political leadership through a non-confidence vote is the strongest argument for systemic change.

Whether or not the shift would allow survival of the Arroyo regime is secondary to the promise of deadlock-breaking within a parliamentary arena, without going to the streets and the shedding of blood. Besides, her political life is likely to be decided soon enough by another process, which is impeachment.

Tuesday, August 09, 2005

Arangkada for August 10, 2005

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             KONTES SA BAKAK

 

Sa di pa makabuylo ang mga torotot sa Malakanyang pagkondenar sa oposisyon nga ilang gipasanginlan nga nagtukod og "witness academy" pinaagi sa pagpresentar og peke nga mga saksi, angayng pahinumdoman ang Palasyo nga silay labing napaso sa way kukaikog nga pagpakita og mga saksi nga klarong gitumong sa paglubog sa kamatuoran. Tuguting maghisgot lang kog duha sa labing kuwestiyonable nilang mga saksi:

  • Ang chief of staff ni Kongresista Ignacio Arroyo nga maoy unang gipresentar isip "Gary," ang lalaking kaistorya ni Presidente Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo sa Garci tapes pero ang presidente mismo ang niangkon sa bakak kay giangkon man nga opisyal sa Comelec ang iyang kaistorya ug si kanhi Comelec Commissioner Virgilio Garcillano niangkon nga siya ang kaistorya sa presidente; ug
  • Ang lalaking niangkon nga gilugos siyang Arsobispo Oscar Cruz, pero wa na ipakita sa Palasyo ang pekeng saksi kay nisamot na man hinuon ang kaligdong ug kalig-on sa kampanya ni Cruz batok sa jueteng.

-o0o-

Mahimong nilampos ang Malakanyang paglawgaw sa kontrobersiya tungod sa nagkalata nilang mga saksi nga gitugbang sa kada bag-ong saksi ug pasangil batok sa presidente. Pero ang katawhan dili bugo ni buang. Lumalabay rang ilang kalibog. Dili sila hangtod sa hangtod nga malubong ni Presidente Arroyo sa kangitngit.

Sama nga ang kamatuoran di mahimong hangtod sa hangtod nga malubong sa lang-og nga lunangan sa pagpangulipas. Bisan sa higanteng makinarya sa propaganda nga gipalihok sa presidente ginamit ang minilyon ka pesos nga pondo sa nasudnong panudlanan, ug bisan unsa kadudahan ug katibuwaag ang liderato sa politikanhong oposisyon nga maoy niduso sa nagkayamukat nga kampanya pagpalagpot ni Presidente Arroyo sa katungdanan, moabot rang adlaw nga ang Haring Lungsod motimbakuwas.

Ug mopalayas sa presidente nga way lehitimong mandato.

-o0o-

Ang makalibog nga baruganan ni House Speaker Jose de Venecia nga usa ka adlaw nideklarar nga patay nang impeachment complaint batok sa presidente, pero pagka sunod adlaw nibakwi nga dako diay ning buhi, di monopoliya sa liderato sa Kongreso. Samang kalibog ang nagbukot sa tibuok administrasyon:

  • Kon ilang ibasura ang impeachment complaint pinaagi sa pagsuburno sa mayoriya sa mga kongresista ug pagluok sa tanang ipresentar nga mga saksi ug mga ebidensiya, peligrong moalsa ang katawhan nga nagpaabot sa presidente nga manalipod sa iyang kaugalingon pinaagi sa impeachment trial; pero
  • Kon ilang tugotan nga masumiter ang articles of impeachment ngadto sa Senado, peligrong makatsamba ang oposisyon pagpresentar og laing "Chavit Singson" o "Clarissa Ocampo" o mga ebidensiya nga mas makabungog pa kay sa "second envelope" nga maoy kataposang lanot nga nakapabugto sa pailob ug pagpangiyugpos sa kinabag-an sa katawhan atubangan sa makauuwawng mga bisyo ug lapad nga pangurakot sa administrasyon ni kanhi presidente Joseph Estrada niadtong 2001. [30]  leo_lastimosa@abs-cbn.com

Better Dead Than Alive

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There's The Rub : The living and the dead

Conrado de Quiros dequiros@info.com.ph
Inquirer News Service

IT'S enough to make you believe God is playing tricks on us. The one man who should have been president of this country will never be so. He is dead -- felled by cancer. He would have been 64 on Oct. 26. Indeed, the one man who was voted president of this country will never be so. He too is dead -- felled by a stroke. He would have been 66 on Aug. 20. They are, of course, Raul Roco and Fernando Poe Jr.

One is tempted to say that the way things are going, Panfilo Lacson and Eddie Villanueva should seriously worry about their health. But Lacson may always rest easy in the thought that only the good die young.

God's trick, which must raise questions about the nature of divine humor, is that the one woman who never deserved to become president of this country in 2001 and never got to be voted so in 2004 is still there, alive and, well, if not kicking at least clinging to the throne so tenaciously you can hear nails scraping wood.

I did hear someone express the thought last weekend that maybe we did right not to vote for Raul Roco. Indeed, that maybe they did right to prevent FPJ from taking office. Or else we would not have a president right now. Maybe God in his infinite wisdom spared us this pass.

Well, I don't know that wisdom, divine or not, infinite or not, may ever be associated with Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo's presence in MalacaƱang, or even on earth. At the very least, we don't have a president right now either, if by that is meant someone who got voted into power and is leading the nation forward. What we have is someone pretending to be so and leading the nation to ruin. At the very most, the briefest tenure by an enlightened president -- or never mind enlightened, mind only legitimate -- is still worlds better than the longest one by a tyrant -- or never mind tyrant, mind only usurper. Either Roco or Poe would easily have been a blessing for this country, however fleetingly they would have passed before our eyes.

Instead, we have a curse. And one that threatens to haunt us all our lives.

A couple of weeks ago, during the State of the Nation Address, Ms Arroyo told us that our monumental problems today do not owe to her but to a political culture that is grinding us underfoot. She was at least half-right. She would have been fully right if she had said our monumental problems owed to her and a political culture that was grinding us underfoot. The two are not contradictory, they are complementary. Indeed, they are more than complementary, they are one and the same. Roco showed during his life that you need not be part of that political culture. All you have to do, as the anti-drug crusade puts it, is just say no.

I remember that one of the debates in Roco's camp during the elections was whether to accept "donations" from people like Lucio Tan. Some believed he should, not just to improve his financial position but his psychological projection -- he was being backed by "wise money." Roco refused, though Tan has roots in Naga City as well. Those donations do not come free, he said, they carry with them more strings than are needed to tie up Florante to a tree in the woods. His position was better to lose with a light heart than to win with a heavy burden.

I remember as well that yet another debate in his camp was the wisdom of fielding Hermie Aquino and the people who eventually filled up his senatorial slate. Though Hermie was an Aquino, his detractors said, his name did not ring a bell. Neither did Aksyon's senatorial candidates. Roco's position was that better lesser known lights than well-known trapos. Better to lose fighting the good fight than to win peddling the bad cause.

And I remember that the most critical debate in his camp was whether he should continue to run or not after he came back from the United States when his cause seemed lost. When his supporters had lost heart and the voters were turning away from the propaganda that sick presidents were not good for the country. Roco refused to quit, arguing that, true enough, sick presidents were bad for the country, but there was sickness and there was sickness. Some were sick only in the body, others were sick in the mind. Presidents who were sick in the body but sound in the mind cured a sick country. Presidents who were sound in the body but sick in the mind only made the country sicker.

Roco reposed his faith instead in the people. We had no end of conversations when I would argue before him that this country, more than America, qualified for Mencken's savage barb that "Nobody yet lost a buck underestimating the popular taste." Which was true most of all of elections. He insisted on carrying his campaign on a high plane, based on ideas, scorning the song-and-dance routine. He kept telling me that the Filipino voter was not stupid, and that this voter could be convinced to make the right choice given the compelling logic of survival. He was unshakeable in that faith. He reposed his faith in particular in the youth, whom he truly believed was the hope of this seemingly hopeless country. You can't lose, he said, with the youth behind you.

All the while Ms Arroyo was soliciting donations from Bong Pineda, wooing the Marcoses and the Joseph Estrada camps, dropping the charges against Ping Lacson to encourage him to not quit, paying off Noli de Castro to run as running mate, leaving no centavo in the public treasury unturned, and otherwise flailing furiously at the very horse she now says is trampling us underfoot.

Truly, presidents who are sick in the body but hale in the mind can cure the country while presidents who are hale in the body but sick in the mind can only make the country sicker. Even more truly, some dead are more alive than the living, and some living are more alive than the dead.

Monday, August 08, 2005

Arangkada for August 9, 2005

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                LAWOG SA TIRONG

 

Gibunyagan sa gobyerno ang overseas Filipino workers (OFWs) nga "bag-ong mga bayani." Pero way gihimo ang gobyerno pagpanalipod nila gikan sa bakak nga mga pasalig ug tulis sa placement fees sa recruitment agencies hangtod sa way kukaluoy nga pagwatas-watas sa ilang mga kontrata inig abot na sa ilang mga destinasyon.

Labing uwahing mga biktima mao ang OFWs, nga nag-apil og mga Sugbuanon, nga gipangulata sa Taiwan tungod sa ilang pagreklamo sa paglapas sa mga kontrata nga ilang gipirmahan. Sama sa naandan, way nahimo pagpanalipod nila ang Manila Economic Council (Meco) sa Taipei. Ang OFWs napugos pagasto sa ilang nihit nga hiniposang kuwarta para sa plitehan sa ayroplano aron nga di katiwasan sa bagis nga mga langyaw.

-o0o-

20 ka OFWs ang nangadto sa Taiwan aron pagtrabaho sa usa sa labing dakong kompaniya sa Taichung niadtong Hunyo. Tam-is kaayong pasalig nga ilang nadawat gikan sa employment agency nga gitugotan sa Philippine Overseas Employment Administration (POEA) pagpanguha og mga trabahante sa Sugbo ug ubang bahin sa nasud.

Uwahi na dihang nadiskubrehan sa OFWs nga dakong bakak ang suweldo ug mga benepisyo nga gipasalig sa recruiter. Inay sa gipasalig nga P41,000 ang buwan, P13,000 ray nadawat sa ilang mga pamilya tungod sa way kinutobang kapon sa ilang brokers. Ang mga trabahante gilumpong morang sardinas sa usa ka kuwarto ug gipakaon daplin sa dan.

-o0o-

Ang ilang reklamo ngadto sa Overseas Workers Welfare Administration (OWWA) sa Taiwan way nahimo. Diha na nanglihok ang taga OWWA human sa pagbiya sa OFWs sa ilang mga trabaho sud sa usa ka adlaw.

Bisan pa, napakyas ang OWWA pagpa-arang-arang sa ilang kahimtang sa panarbaho. Hangtod nga sa niaging semana, gipugos ang OFWs pagpapirma og kontrata nga Ininsek nga way hubad nga Iningles. Ang OFWs nga nibalibad kay wa kasabot gibukbok pag-ayo sa bagis nga goons sa broker.

Ang mayoriya nga napugos pagpirma nakahukom nga mamauli sa Pilipinas sa labing daling panahon tungod sa kahadlok nga silay isunod pagbukbok. Gida ang nabun-og nilang mga kauban, apil nang duha nga tungod sa kagrabe sa samad gipakanaog atol sa stopover sa ayroplano sa Hong Kong.

-o0o-

Dihang gipaubos nang OFWs sa custody sa OWWA sa Manila, gihudlat sila sa recruiter nga kon mokiha, dugay nga mahusay ang kaso, dako ang ilang gasto ug mahimong ma-blacklist pa gyod sa ubang placement agencies. Wa gyod mobaraw ang OWWA dihang gitanyagan silag areglo bugti sa pag-uli sa nabayad nga placement fee ug paghatag sa usa ka buwang suholan.

Kon ang mga ahensiya nga gitahasan pagpanalipod sa OFWs tua kapusta sa pikas, unsa man intawoy dag-anan sa atong mga kapamilya sa ubang kanasuran? Tinuod bang gitawag silag mga bayani kay dako ang kahigayonan nga mangamatay? [30]  leo_lastimosa@abs-cbn.com

Peter Jennings, 67

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Peter Jennings, Urbane News Anchor, Dies at 67

Peter Jennings, a high school dropout from Canada who transformed himself into one of the most urbane, well-traveled and recognizable journalists on American television, died yesterday at home. He was 67 and lived in Manhattan.

The cause was lung cancer, said Charles Gibson, who announced the death of his colleague on television in a special report just after 11:30 p.m. Mr. Jennings had disclosed that he was suffering from lung cancer on April 5, first in a written statement released by ABC and later that night on "World News Tonight," the evening news broadcast that he had led since September 1983.

In brief remarks at the end of that night's program, Mr. Jennings, his voice scratchy, told viewers that he hoped to return to the anchor desk as his health and strength permitted. But he never did.

It was a jarring departure for someone who for so long had been such a visible fixture in so many American homes each night. Along with the two other pillars of the so-called Big 3 - Tom Brokaw of NBC and Dan Rather of CBS - Mr. Jennings had, in the early 1980's, ushered in the era of the television news anchor as lavishly compensated, globe-trotting superstar. After the departure of Mr. Brokaw from his anchor chair in December, followed by the retirement from the evening news of Mr. Rather in March, Mr. Jennings's death brings that era to a close.

For more than two decades, the magnitude of a news event could be measured, at least in part, by whether Mr. Jennings and his counterparts on the other two networks showed up on the scene. Indeed, they logged so many miles over so many years in so many trench coats and flak jackets that they effectively acted as bookends on some of the biggest running stories of modern times.

Mr. Jennings's official ABC biography notes, for example, that as a foreign correspondent, he was "in Berlin in the 1960's when the Berlin Wall was going up," and there again, as an anchor, "in the 1990's when it came down." Similarly, he was on the ground in Gdansk, Poland, for the birth of the Solidarity labor and political movement, and later for the overthrow of the country's Communist government.

In addition to reporting from nearly every major world capital and war zone, Mr. Jennings also managed to report from all 50 states, according to the network. He seemed to draw on that collective experience - as well as his practiced ability to calmly describe events as they unfolded live - not long after two hijacked planes struck the World Trade Center on Sept. 11, 2001. Over the course of that day, and those that immediately followed, he would spend more than 60 hours on the air in what Tom Shales of The Washington Post , among other critics, praised as a tour de force of interviewing and explanatory broadcast journalism laced with undisguised bewilderment.

"This is what it looked like moments ago," Mr. Jennings said at one point that first morning, as he introduced a piece of videotape recorded moments earlier in Lower Manhattan. "My God! The southern tower, 10:00 Eastern Time this morning, just collapsing on itself. This is a place where thousands of people worked. We have no idea what caused this."

The coverage of all three broadcast networks that week underscored a maxim of the television news business: that however much the audience of the evening news programs might have eroded in recent years, viewers usually return during moments of crisis.

"He was a man who came into the anchor chair absolutely prepared to do the job, from years and years of reporting in the field, which is precious and not easily duplicated," said Tom Bettag, who competed against Mr. Jennings as executive producer of the "CBS Evening News with Dan Rather" and later worked with Mr. Jennings as a colleague as executive producer of "Nightline."

"He established a level of trust with the viewer that would be difficult for anyone else to match going forward."

At the peak of his broadcast's popularity, in the 1992-1993 television season, Mr. Jennings drew an average audience of nearly 14 million people each night, according to Nielsen Media Research. He reached that milestone midway through an eight-year ratings winning streak, during which his audience sometimes exceeded those of both Mr. Brokaw and Mr. Rather by two million or more viewers. (For nearly a decade since, to his periodic frustration, his broadcast had lagged behind that of NBC's, even after Mr. Brokaw yielded to Brian Williams in December.)

Though the audience for the evening news has fallen precipitously in recent years - a casualty of changes in people's schedules and the competition offered by the cable news networks and the Internet - Mr. Jennings's broadcast and those on CBS and NBC still drew a combined audience of more than 25 million viewers this past year.

And however much his audience had aged - the median age of a Jennings viewer this past season was about 60, according to Nielsen - advertisers still spend in excess of $100 million annually on each of the evening news programs. Like Mr. Brokaw, Mr. Rather and now Mr. Williams, Mr. Jennings was well paid for his efforts: he earned an estimated $10 million a year in recent years. His most recent contract with the network was due to expire later this year , but at least until he became ill, the network was preparing to extend Mr. Jennings's time in the anchor chair for "several years to come," according to David Westin, president of ABC News.

Mr. Jennings's broadcast training had begun at an astonishingly young age, a function at least partly of his family background. Peter Charles Jennings was born July 29, 1938, in Toronto. His father, Charles, was a senior executive of the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation and a pioneer in Canadian radio news.

In "The Century" (Doubleday, 1998), one of two history books that he co-wrote with Todd Brewster, Mr. Jennings recalled an early exercise that his father put him through to sharpen his powers of observation. "Describe the sky," his father had said. After the young boy had done so, his father dispatched him outside again. "Now, go out and slice it into pieces and describe each piece as different from the next."

By age 9, he had his own show on Canadian radio, "Peter's Program." He dropped out of high school at 17, and by his early 20's, was the host of a dance show similar to "American Bandstand" called "Club Thirteen."

His rise to the pinnacle of Canadian television news, and later its far larger counterpart to the south, was swift. In 1962, at age 24, he was named co-anchor of the national newscast on CTV, a competitor of his father's network, a job that he held until 1964.

That year, he moved to the United States to begin work as a correspondent for ABC. Barely a year later, the network named him an anchor of "ABC Evening News," then a 15-minute newscast, which put him, at age 26, head-to-head with Walter Cronkite on CBS and the formidable tandem of Chet Huntley and David Brinkley on NBC. Though he would serve ABC in that capacity for nearly three years, Mr. Jennings said in an interview last year that he was ill-suited for the job and unhappy in it.

"I had the good sense to quit," he said.

What followed was more than a decade of postings abroad as a foreign correspondent for ABC, during which, Mr. Jennings said last year, he got an on-the-job introduction to the world with a tuition bill effectively footed by his employer.

"I have no formal education to speak of," Mr. Jennings said. "ABC has been my education and provided my education. ABC has enabled me to work everywhere in the world and has ended up paying me beyond handsomely."

From 1968 to 1978, Mr. Jennings traveled extensively, including to Vietnam, Munich (where he covered the hostage-taking and killings at the 1972 Summer Olympics) and Beirut (where he established the network's first news bureau in the Arab world).

In 1978, he began his second tour as an anchor for the network, serving as one of three hosts of "World News Tonight," along with Frank Reynolds and Max Robinson, in a format devised by Roone Arledge, the sports programmer who had added the news division to his portfolio. Mr. Jennings was the program's foreign anchor and reported from London until 1983.

Three weeks after Mr. Reynolds's death from bone cancer, Mr. Jennings was named the sole anchor (and managing editor) of the broadcast, titles that Mr. Jennings continued to hold at his death.

As an anchor, Mr. Jennings presented himself as a worldly alternative to Mr. Brokaw's plain-spoken Midwestern manner and Mr. Rather's folksy, if at times offbeat, Southern charm. He neither spoke like many of his viewers ("about" came out of his mouth as A-BOOT, a remnant of his Canadian roots) nor looked like them, with a matinee-idol face and crisply tailored wardrobe that were frequently likened in print to those of James Bond.

Though his bearing could be stiff on the air (and his syntax so simplistic at times as to border on patronizing), Mr. Jennings was immensely popular with his audience.

During a trip last fall through Kansas, Pennsylvania and Ohio in the weeks before the presidential election, he traveled at times aboard a coach customized by the news division to trumpet its campaign coverage and frequently received a rock star's welcome when he decamped.

For example, in the parking lot of a deli just outside of Pittsburgh, where he had come to interview a long-shot candidate for Congress whose threadbare headquarters was upstairs, Mr. Jennings found himself on the receiving end of several hugs from loyal viewers.

"He's so handsome," one of those viewers, Vilma Berryman, 66, the deli owner, observed immediately after meeting him. "He's taller than I thought. He speaks so softly."

"I feel like I know him," she added. "He's just so easy."

Like all of the Big 3, Mr. Jennings was not without his detractors. Some critics contended he was too soft on the air when describing the Palestinian cause or the regime of the Cuban leader Fidel Castro - charges he disputed. Similarly, an article published in July 2004 in the National Review portrayed him as a thinly veiled opponent of the American war in Iraq.

The article quoted Mr. Jennings as saying: "That is simply not the way I think of this role. This role is designed to question the behavior of government officials on behalf of the public."

Mr. Jennings was conscious of having been imbued, during his Canadian boyhood, with a skepticism about American behavior; at least partly as a result, he often delighted in presenting the opinions of those in the minority, whatever the situation.

And yet he simultaneously carried on an elaborate love affair with America, one that reached its apex in the summer of 2003, when he announced that he had become an American citizen, scoring, he said proudly, 100 percent on his citizenship test.

In a toast around that time that he gave at the new National Constitution Center in Philadelphia, he described his adopted home as "this brash and noble container of dreams, this muse to artists and inventors and entrepreneurs, this beacon of optimism, this dynamo of energy, this trumpet blare of liberty."

Mr. Jennings's personal life was at times grist for the gossip pages, including his three divorces. His third wife, the author Kati Marton, whom he married in 1979 and divorced in 1993, is the mother of his two children, who survive him. They are a daughter, Elizabeth, and son, Christopher, both of New York City. He is also survived by his fourth wife, Kayce Freed, a former ABC television producer whom he married in December 1997, and a sister, Sarah Jennings of Ottawa, Canada. Having prided himself on rarely taking a sick day in nearly 40 years - and being dismissive, at times, of those well-paid colleagues who did - Mr. Jennings had missed the broadcast and the newsroom terribly in recent months.

In a letter posted on April 29 on the ABC news Web site, excerpts of which were read on that night's evening news, Mr. Jennings described how treatments for his cancer had proven more debilitating than he had expected.

"Yesterday I decided to go to the office," he wrote. "I live only a few blocks away. I got as far as the door. Chemo strikes."

"Do I detect a knowing but sympathetic smile on many of your faces?" he added.

About a month later, Mr. Jennings did make a rare visit to the ABC News headquarters on the Upper West Side of Manhattan. With a gray sweater draped over his shoulders, and his feet clad in thick wool socks and moccasins, Mr. Jennings held court for about a half hour late one morning from his desk, in what is known as "the rim," a newsroom one floor below the "World News Tonight" anchor desk.

His voice soft and his body as much as 20 pounds lighter than usual, Mr. Jennings told several dozen staff members who had gathered around his desk about the doctors and other patients he had been meeting and of a first-time radiation treatment that he had just received, according to one veteran correspondent who did not wish to be identified so as not to offend Mr. Jennings's family.

Mr. Jennings brought himself and many of his colleagues to tears when he turned to Charles Gibson, one of his two principal substitutes on the program, and thanked him for closing each night's broadcast with the phrase, "for Peter Jennings and all of us at ABC News." Mr. Jennings then put his hand over his heart and said, "That means so much to me," according to his colleague.

But whatever maudlin feelings were in the air quickly evaporated, Mr. Jennings's longtime colleague recounted, when the anchor brandished a familiar black calligraphy pen and began marking up the rundown for that night's broadcast. "No, that's not a good one," he could be overheard telling Jonathan Banner, the program's executive producer, about one segment. Of another, he added, "You want to move this higher up."

For his closest colleagues, the reassuring sight of the anchor-as-editor provided a fleeting moment of normalcy in what had been a disorienting and heartbreaking few months.

The Fight Goes On

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The Long View : A minority of many

Manuel L. Quezon III
Inquirer News Service

RAUL S. Roco was a man who refused to be apologetic about his intelligence. He loved learning, and loved to be a learned man. He did not possess a formidable intellect only to disguise it with false modesty or a feigned humility. In fact, he loved history, poetry, politics, the law and literature so much that he assumed his love for them was shared by others. Not everyone did; and those who didn't, proclaimed his affections as manifestations of a monumental ego.

There was, indeed, something monumental about the man; no dainty dilettante or shrinking, Hamlet-like intellectual was he. He was possessed of a strong self-assurance that manifested itself in an unfortunate tendency to refer to himself in the third person: he would say, "Roco believes," instead of "I think." But then the same habit was apparent in leaders like Charles de Gaulle of France. Like De Gaulle, Roco was, by nature, a lone wolf; he inspired devotion-of the kind one normally identifies with mystics. He was above the throng, outside the herd: he would not pander if that was the price of leadership. He would lead only on his own terms, because, to his mind, those terms were both demanding and reasonable. Leadership required competence; it needed preparation; it demanded integrity.

For those who wanted leadership with intellectual depth, who desired to be led not on the basis of the least common denominator but on the chief's daring to raise the bar of public service, Roco was ideal. He was ideal because he was idealistic; he never asked of his followers less than he asked of himself-and he asked a lot of himself throughout his life. He came from the province, but was not provincial; he loved his provincial origins, but refused to be parochial; he was a politician, but there was always a kind of politics to which he could neither submit nor condone.

What was that kind of politics? The kind that was vague; the sort that promised everything, and so, could achieve little and more often than not, nothing. He was not about "win-win," he was about winning, so that the evils that deserved to lose-corruption, incompetence, mediocrity and mental and moral mendacity-would be defeated.

The problem with the lone wolf is that other wolves do not trust him, and the sheep fear him because, while being one of a kind, different from other wolves, he remains identified with the rest of the wolves.

Raul Roco's greatest failure as a politician was that he was always unable-perhaps unwilling-to join the pack, much less lead it. As a leader, he would lead, alone, yet the other wolves howled he still was a wolf, though in sheep's clothing. What could he do? Snarl that the voters are not sheep, but conditioned to being sheep; and they viewed him with a sheep's fear of the wolf. And so the people chose to be like sheep, and put their faith in the other wolves.

There have been other lone wolves in our political past. There was Juan Sumulong before the war, Claro M. Recto and Raul S. Manglapus before martial law, even Jovito Salonga. They all rose far, but only so far-and not far enough. Each had the capacity to inspire devotion and loyalty; each tried to buck the trend; all failed to achieve the highest office within the gift of their people. Each one was conscientious, admired for a fine and brave conscience, supported by a dedicated and idealistic minority. Democracy, however, is not about the nobility of the minority but the success of the majority.

The "advantage" of a politician unencumbered by scruples, intellect, or a stubborn insistence on integrity (or self-worth) is his ability to generate a kind of joy that is infectious. It is the kind of joy felt by the audience in a basketball game where the finer points of the game are set aside in order to gain points and achieve victory. We are, after all, a country whose basketball heroes include Robert Jaworski, who is not, by any means, the exemplar of gentlemanly conduct on the court. Roco was the kind of political player we could all admire, but who remained so unique, so different-in the end, so strange-that he could not achieve the transformation from being a personality attractive to a minority into some kind of leader desirable to the majority.

Was his, then, a life turned into political tragedy? A well-intentioned footnote to history? To his followers and, perhaps even to himself, his political career was tragic: he was twice rejected in his bid for the presidency, the last time, under circumstances made worse by the illness that claimed his life. However, it was not cancer that defeated Roco's bid for the presidency in 2004, it was fear, the same fear that defeated him in 1998. It was the fear of the people, of an electorate who behaved more like terrorized sheep, so different from the kind of voters Roco saw if only they were were given the chance to prove themselves.

He was that chance; but not enough took a chance on him.

Today with his passing, everybody is praising him-even the wolves, and most poignantly of all, the sheep. His greatest achievement doesn't lie in the praises being heaped on him with his passing, but in the hearts of the few who followed him, even to the point of defeat. For unlike the rest of us, they can say: a vote for him is a vote we will never have cause to regret. No finer words can a follower say of a leader; no nobler feeling can a candidate hope to find in the hearts of his countrymen.

Roco was true to himself; and he caused others to be true to themselves. In so doing, he forged a bond that only true leaders can build. And thus, he created and led a minority of many-and many there will be to continue his fight.

Sunday, August 07, 2005

Arangkada for August 8, 2005

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IGNORANTE SA DENGUE

 

        Ang labing epektibong paagi sa pag-alkontra sa dengue mao ang pagpanglimpiyo, dili ang pagdeklarar og state of calamity.   Mas epektibong paagi pagpalayas sa mga lamok ang paghabwa sa tanang nagpondong tubig o pagpangita og lutsanan sa nabara nga mga kanal, dili ang pagpangompra og minilyon ka pesos nga balor sa kemikal.   Mas daghang kinabuhi ang maluwas pinaagi sa pag-edukar sa mga molupyo sa tukmang mga paagi pakigbatok sa lamok kay sa pagarpar ug salida sa mga politiko aron lang pagtagbaw sa ilang kahigwaos paghilabot sa dakong calamity fund.

         Pero ang mga konsehal sa Syudad sa Sugbo nipili sa pagsalida, pagasto og minilyon ka pesos aron pagpalit sa way kapuslanang mga kemikal ug kahimanan, pagdasig sa mga molupyo pagsunod sa ilang ka-ignorante ug, labaw sa tanan, pagrisgo sa mga Sugbuanon, gikan sa labing bata ngadto sa labing tiguwang, sa padayong paghasi sa mga lamok nga nagda sa makamatay nga sakit.

-o0o-

        Ang problema sa kampanya batok sa dengue di lang sa Syudad sa Sugbo, nga sa labing uwahing ihap maoy labing daghan og kaso sa tibuok Pilipinas, kon dili sa ubang lugar sa nasud mao ang tokar-tokar nga kakugi sa lokal nga mga opisyal ug mga molupyo pagpanglimpiyo sa mga nataran sa kabalayan nga kasagarang maigo sa dengue.   Si Dr. Susana Madarieta, regional director sa Department of Health sa Central Visayas, niangkon nga usa sa posibleng mga hinungdan sa pagsaka sa mga kaso sa dengue karong tuiga mao ang pagkumpiyansa sa mga molupyo ug mga opisyal human sa pag-us-os sa mga kaso sa niaging tuig.

        Nga kadasonan sa mga numero sa niaging lima ka tuig.  Human sa pagsaka sa mga kaso sa dengue sa unang tuig, naninuod pag-ayong mga opisyal ug mga molupyo pagpanlimpiyo sa ikaduhang tuig.   Tungod sa pagtidlom sa mga kaso sa ikaduhang tuig, nangiyugpos na lang maong nisaka na sang dengue sa ikatulong tuig.

        Ang subo nga kamatuoran mao nga di makapausab sa atong batasan ang pagahin sa Cebu City Council og P3 milyones batok sa dengue.

-o0o-

        Usa ka adlaw human gideklarar sa konseho ang state of calamity, napalit dayon ang mga kemikal ug gisugo dayong mga kawani sa Cebu City Health Department sa pagpasirit ini sa Banawa, Guadalupe ug ubang lugar nga grabe ang dengue.   Nikalit ba lag kaabtik ang burukrasya sa City Hall o nakontrata nang daan ang kemikal maong gi-apura ang deklarasyon sa state of calamity?

        Ug samtang susihon may subasta bang morang kilat nga pagpamalit sa kemikal, maayo sang pangutan-on ang mga konsehal nganong wa piski og bisan usa ka dako ang mga kahimanan sa Cebu City Medical Center pag-atiman sa mga pasyente sa dengue.  Sama sa ilang blood refrigerator nga dugay nang guba ug gihimo na lang butanganan sa mga dokumento.  [30]  leo_lastimosa@abs-cbn.com

Inquirer Editorial

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Editorial : Sense of the possible

EX-SENATOR Raul Roco, who passed away on Friday, did not leave the scene like an Old Testament prophet, unhonored in his own country. From his youth, he had received the grateful recognition of the various communities he served, expressed in diverse forms: academic honors, unqualified professional success, an outstanding lawmaking career, untold political capital.

And yet there remains a sense that the country he served did not quite give him the final recognition he deserved. This sense, of course, is based on his two unsuccessful runs for the presidency, on the notion that his defeat was ultimately the nation's loss.

It is worth noting that, in the outpouring of praise from all sides of the political divide, the tributes from the younger politicians have been stamped by a deep imprint of what-might-have-beens. A fellow Bicolano, Rep. Rolando Andaya Jr., said that if history would judge Roco the "best president this country never had, no one will contest such a judgment." At the other end of the political spectrum, Bayan Muna party-list Rep. Teodoro Casi¤o echoed this view: Roco was "probably the most qualified president the country never had."

These are remarkable testimonials, considering that history's list of highly qualified candidates for president includes Claro M. Recto, Raul Manglapus and Jovito Salonga.

They are all the more remarkable coming from the country's younger leaders.

The older members of the political class have not held back on their praise for Roco. But it is in the language used by Andaya, CasiƱo, et al. that the sense of unfulfilled potential is strongest, and at its most plaintive.

Why is this so?

In part, the tribute is a function of the very language they used; the praise may have been suggested by the phrase.

But the tribute is also a function of their youth; they were not around when Recto and Lorenzo TaƱada and Manglapus tilted at the windmills of Philippine politics. Roco's example may have made a stronger impression because it was an experience they lived through.

But in greater part, the tribute is a reflection of Roco's own appeal: He drew the young, understood them, spoke their language.

We do not mean that he spoke in rap or wrote in "textese." We mean that he appealed to the idealism, the sense of the possible, that animates the young. His last campaign theme, offering "new hope," was political sentimentalism; but it was political sentimentalism with a specific demographic in mind.

It helped that his appeal to idealism was backed by a reputation for competence, in his law practice and in government service, and for wit.

These three virtues-idealism, competence, intelligence—all came together in an iconic episode during the Estrada impeachment trial. Sen. Miriam Defensor-Santiago, a former judge, had insinuated that a witness, a young lawyer who had left a job at one law firm for another with lower pay, was somehow in the wrong. "The normal reaction is to accept the higher salary," Santiago sang. Roco used his turn to ask the witness to defend, not only the lawyer on the witness stand, but all lawyers. He asked questions that allowed the witness to say the truth, which is that money was not the only consideration. Then he turned around and smiled: "The law is not a business but a noble profession."

In a sense, he owed everything to that profession. His work ethic was shaped by the brutal realities of lawyering, Philippine-style. As many of those who worked for him have said, he did his homework, and drove himself and his staff hard.

He had his shortcomings, of course. He was not much of a coalition builder; for him, politics was not so much addition as geometry. He believed that a single man with Archimedes' lever could move the world. But in Congress, and in the Senate, and in the Department of Education, the reality is that no lever can ever be long enough.

This shortcoming was felt most in his presidential campaigns, which lacked the network and the resources that a Senate slate of equally impressive candidates would have made available. The outpouring of praise since Friday is thus doubly poignant; if these politicians had supported him then, perhaps, his fate would have been different. Eulogies are wasted on the dead.

Saturday, August 06, 2005

Arangkada for August 7, 2005

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                NAGKABULINGIT

 

        Hangtod karon, di pa ko kumbinsido sa determinasyon ni Mandaue City Mayor Teddy Ouano pagtapak sa mga buslot sa iyang administrasyon nga maoy hinungdan nga nakalusot ang pagtukod sa labing dakong pabrika sa shabu sa iyang nataran.   Maong pasayloa nga bisan sa tanan niyang pagarpar di pa ko kumbinsido nga hingpit nga inosente ang iyang pamunoan sa eskandalo sa pagpili sa Mandaue isip base sa higanteng sindikato sa ilegal nga drugas.

        Tungod ini, wa ko mahibung nganong morang gisilian nga nagkisikisi pag-ayo ang mayor dihang niangkon ang mga imbestigador nga duna na silay mga ngan sa local contacts ni Calvin de Jesus Tan, ang gipasanginlang financier sa mega shabu laboratory sa Umapad, Mandaue.   Mangahas gani ko pagpangagpas nga nisamot kahasol ang kinatulgan sa mayor dihang gipahibawo ni Kongresista Roque Ablan, tsirman sa House Committee on Dangerous Drugs, nga naapil sa listahan ang dagkong mga politiko.

-o0o-

        Usa sa mga hinungdan sa akong pagduda hain kapusta si Mayor Ouano mao ang taphaw niyang imbestigasyon sa nabisto nga pagpabaya sa mga ahensiya sa Mandaue City Hall pagsusi sa bodega nga gihimong shabu laboratory.  Way bisan usa sa mga ahensiya nga gitahasan unta paghimo og tinuig nga inspeksiyon ang niduaw sa bodega nga, ambot naatol ba lang o mao gyoy hinungdan, gipanag-iya sa pamilyang sikit pa sa ampaw sa pamilya sa mayor.

        Bisan sa abunda ug lehitimong mga sukaranan sa pagduda sa iyang administrasyon, way gihimo ang mayor pagsilot sa iyang department heads nga wa katuman sa ilang trabaho.   Bisan sa buwag nga kamandoan sa Visayas Ombudsman, Department of Interior and Local Governments ug Department of Justice, way klarong imbestigasyon nga gihimo ang mayor sa makauuwawng bulilyaso.

        Labing klarong ebidensiya sa iyang pagpabaya?  Hangtod karon way bisan usa sa masalaypong department heads ang nasilotan.

-o0o-

        Ang taphaw nga imbestigasyon sa eskandalo gisangon ni Ouano ngadto sa otrong taphaw niyang legal officer nga si Rey Heyrosa.   Kinsa nipada og memorandum sa hingtungdang department heads pag-esplikar sa ilang sipyat "…within the period of five" sa way pagklaro kon 5 hours, weeks, days o months ba.

        Maayo na lang kay human sa pipila ka semana, nakahimo gyod og rekomendasyon si Heyrosa pagsuspenso nilang City Engineer Ceferino Ingles ug City Treasurer Lorna Atega.   Ang usa ka semanang suspenso pasiuna lang sa mas komprehensibo nga imbestigasyon sa di pa sila pasakaan og pormal nga mga kasong administratiba.

-o0o-

        Human ko gipasapasa sa mga departamento sa City Hall, akong nahibaw-an nga wa mapatuman sa mayor ang rekomendasyon ni Heyrosa ug wa mapasakai silang Ingles ug Atega og mga kasong administratiba.

        Maong di kapangugat ang mayor nga limpiyo ang iyang kamot.   Bisan kon di pa siya maapil sa listahan sa local contacts ni Tan, magkabulingit gihapon siya sa eskandalo.  [30]    leo_lastimosa@abs-cbn.com

         

No To Cha-Cha

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Get Real : Shall we dance?

Solita Collas- Monsod
Inquirer News Service

AT A FORUM entitled "Shall We Dance the CHA-CHA?" held at Miriam College, I gave a Power-Point presentation that may interest the reader. It at least provides a basis, which she can build on, for her decision on Charter change.

The presentation is simple and short. It starts with a restatement of the fundamental principle of rational decision-making, i.e., an action (to dance?) is worth taking if and only if it leaves the actor better off than before-and that happens if the extra benefits that arise from the action are greater than the extra costs. Nota bene: Since what is good for the individual is not necessarily good for society (beware the fallacy of composition), and vice versa, it will make a difference whether the perspective we take is the country perspective (social costs and benefits) or the individual (private costs and benefits). In this exercise, we look at it from the country viewpoint.

The second part of the presentation reviews the more recent (previous decade) efforts to change the Constitution. Three episodes are recalled, all of which shared the same articulated objective: removing the obstacles to economic reform and growth. In the first episode, during the Fidel Ramos administration, the main issue was term limits, particularly of the president, with the proposed shift to a parliamentary form of government. In the second episode, Joseph Estrada claimed that the obstacles were the economic provisions, particularly the limitations on foreign ownership and control, and gave assurances that he was not interested in the political provisions. The third episode is the present one, where, in contrast to the Estrada perception, the main obstacle to economic growth is perceived to be the system of government. In all three episodes, the exponents have been the incumbent presidents and members of the House of Representatives, although the latest episode sees the addition of local leaders because of the promise of federalism, which did not figure in the previous two.

For purposes of the discussion, Charter change, or "Cha-cha," refers to (as espoused by President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo and Congress) a change in the system of government from a presidential, unitary, bicameral system to a parliamentary, federal, unicameral system, together with more liberal foreign ownership and control provisions than in the 1987 Constitution. All these to be done through a constituent assembly (Con-Ass).

What are the benefits of this Charter change, as claimed by its exponents? Not necessarily in the order of their importance, the list is as follows:

(1) A Con-Ass will be more efficient (less costly, faster) than a constitutional convention (Con-Con), what with talk of the work being finished by December, and a plebiscite by May;

(2) The parliamentary system will reduce gridlock (executive-legislative; House-Senate) and therefore delays in decision-making;

(3) There will be more power to the people at the grass-roots or local government level (because of the federal system), as "imperial Manila" loses its hold over the rest of the country;

(4) Elections will be less costly, since presidential elections will be no more, and therefore the need to recoup financial losses or to make political paybacks in exchange for financial support will be less-reducing incentives for corruption;

(5) We will have a more stable politico-economic environment, because there will be no more political crises of the sort that occurred during the Estrada regime and is occurring now: in the new system, all that is needed to change leadership is a vote of no-confidence by the majority of parliament; and

(6) As a result of 2, 3, 4 and 5, there will be faster growth and less poverty.

Then there are the disadvantages, which are basically the same points with a diametrically opposite twist:

(1) The cost savings from a Con-Ass will be more than offset by the cost of delays in the rest of the legislative agenda and/or a poorer legislative performance; if in three out of the past four years, the legislature could not even pass the national budget on time, what more damage will be wreaked when the legislature adds impeachment and Cha-cha to its plate?

(2) "Faster" decision-making means also a faster pace of making wrong decisions. Furthermore, there is no assurance that gridlock will be reduced; it will just arise in a different form-not one House against the other, but one political family or business power bloc against the other. Worse, easier deals can be made at the expense of the Filipino people.

There's more:

(3) The people will have less power, not more, because (a) national and state leaders are no longer elected directly but by national and state parliaments; and (b) it will be easier for local dynasties and political warlords to wield and retain political power.

(4) Elections will be more costly, what with each state in the federal system having parliaments, and each aspiring local governor or prime minister having to support a larger set of candidates.

(5) "Stability" may be more imagined than real, as shown by the numerous times leadership may change hands in a parliamentary system, what with only a majority required to bring a leader down, rather than the two-thirds for a conviction in an impeachment trial at the Senate.

And finally, there are certain problems which have been ignored, and which will exacerbate uncertainty: How will the national debt be divided among the states? How will the federal equalization fund be administered? How are the taxing powers to be allocated? How is a professional civil service to be attained? How is a strong party system, which is necessary for a parliament, to be achieved? No homework done here.

Shall we dance? No, thank you.

Friday, August 05, 2005

Arangkada for August 6, 2005

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                  TAPOLAN

 

Ang politikanhong oposisyon maoy sad-an nganong nagpabilin pa sa puwesto si Presidente Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo hangtod karon. Kay wa silay laing gihimo gawas sa pagtuyok-tuyok pagpangita sa "smoking gun" pagmatuod sa mga pasangil batok sa presidente. Angay silang pukawon sa kamatuoran nga ang presidente nga nakaako paglipat sa katawhan sa iyang pagkawat sa ilang mandato sa niaging eleksiyon di sayon nga palayason.

Human sa sayon kaayong pagdaog sa Edsa 1 ug 2, dako ang tentasyon sa pagpangiyugpos ug pagpaabot lang kanus-a kusion sa iyang konsiyensiya si Presidente Arroyo aron puno sa kauwaw nga manaog sa katungdanan. Ang politikanhong oposisyon, kansang mga panglantaw way kalainan sa mga namunoan nga gusto nilang pulihan, nagtinguha lag kausaban sa mga dagway dili sa pagtugkad sa gamot nga mga hinungdan sa mga problema nga nakapa-unlod ning nasura.

-o0o-

Way bisan usa ka saksi ug way bisan usa ka dokumento nga ikawara-wara sa politikanhong oposisyon nga makakumbinser sa publiko, kansang pagduda sa gipasanginlan gisagolan sab sa samang pagduda sa motibo sa mga namasangil, nga tinuod ang mga krimen nga gipasangil batok ni Presidente Arroyo.

Ang dakong problema sa mga lider sa politikanhong oposisyon, gawas sa kakuwang nilag kaligdong ug panaghiusa, mao nga padayong gikumbinser ang ilang kaugalingon nga mapalagpot nila si Presidente Arroyo sa Malakanyang pinaagi lang sa pagarpar. Di sila ganahan nga maghago. Way bisan usa nga ganahang motrabaho aron aktuwal nga mangita, magtikad ug mopalambo sa mga ebidensiya batok sa presidente.

-o0o-

Kon makahimo pa lang unta sila pagtan-aw lapas sa tumoy sa ilang mga ilong, segurong ilang makit-an nga ang Garci tapes ug ang affidavit ni Michael Angelo Zuce maoy labing adunahang mga giya asa pangitaon ang kaliboan ug usa ka ebidensiya sa lapad nga tikas sa niaging eleksiyon ginamit ang minilyon ka pesos nga payola sa jueteng.

Ang Garci tapes ug Zuce affidavit puno sa mga ngan, lugar ug petsa sa sekretong mga tigom pagtikas sa eleksiyon nga mahimong masusi, matultolan, matino ug mapalig-on. Pero lisod ug kapoy ning buhata. Mas sayon ang pagpatawag sa way kinutobang press conferences.

-o0o-

Sa pikas nga bahin, salamat na lang nga wa dayon molampos ang politikanhong oposisyon pagpalagpot ni Presidente Arroyo. Kay kon mga nawong ra sa mga namunoan ang mausab, sama sa Edsa 1 sa 1986 ug Edsa 2 sa 2001, magdagtom lang gihapon ang kaugmaon ning nasura.

Hinaot nga ang kapakyas sa oposisyon pagtuman sa labing batakang mga gimbuhaton pagpalig-on sa kaso batok sa presidente dunay mas makiangayong resulta: Ang dugang paglaygay sa krisis moseguro nga mas daghang katawhan ang matandog sa eskandalo ug magpakabana pagtingog ug paglihok ug di na itugyan ngadto lang sa mga politiko ang pakigbisog para sa mas malungtarung kausaban. [30]  leo_lastimosa@abs-cbn.com

Comelec Affidavits

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Posted by Vinia Datinguinoo
PCIJ

A DAY after Michaelangelo "Louie" Zuce first made public his story, top Comelec officials held their own press conference to defend the organization and refute the former presidential staff officer's claims. Comelec chairman Benjamin Abalos, denying Zuce's allegations, said election officials "were not that subservient." Abalos then issued to the media copies of sworn statements executed by some of the election officials whom Zuce said were among those who were bribed to support President Arroyo's candidacy in 2004.

Read the election officials' affidavits:

Juanito Icaro, Regional Election Director for Region IV
Francisco Pobe , Agusan del Sur Provincial Election Supervisor
Remlane Tambuang, Davao Oriental Provincial Election Supervisor
Renato Magbutay, Asst. Regional Election Director for Region IX
Joseph Hamilton Cuevas, Lanao del Norte Provincial Election Supervisor
Ray Sumalipao, Lanao del Sur Provincial Election Supervisor

Call To Action

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Passion For Reason : Analog thinking in a digital world

Raul Pangalangan
Inquirer News Service

WHEN Presidential Spokesman Ignacio Bunye testified before Congress that he couldn't recognize President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo's voice in the "Gloriagate" CD, he explained that what he heard was "a copy of a copy of a copy of a copy of a copy."

That argument would have worked for cassette tapes, but not for CDs. When it comes to digital records, the data do not "degenerate" with each recopying. In my layman's understanding, digital records are merely arrangements of 0's and 1's, and a copy is as good as the original so long as that binary sequence remains unchanged. I can imagine Bunye's defense. In the pre-MP3 world, the copy was AAD -- originally recorded in Analog, remastered in Analog (poorly, as Bunye would argue), and became Digital only in final form.

However, I must defend Bunye's analog thinking. It's simply a generational thing. Perhaps he recalled the last time he copied his 45 rpm record of Johnny Mathis onto a cassette and which, by the third recopy, started to sound like Diomedes Maturan (or vice-versa, if you are a true nationalist). When my son saw my dad's manual typewriter for the first time, he said: "Lolo's computer is really cool. When he types, it's already printing at the same time."

Indeed, I will confess to my own analog moments. Last year when I was loading up my music on my iPod, I was about to actually start typing by hand each song title in the iTunes list on my computer, good analog dinosaur that I am. Mercifully, my son took pity and clicked a few buttons, and to my delight, all the music information started cascading onto my screen like a flowing river from iPod heaven. But please understand that I belong to the last batch of lawyers who actually typed their court pleadings using a manual Underwood-and anyone who has typed anything in quadruplicate, using fragile "onion skins" and smudgy carbon paper, deserves a medal.

You can sniff out analog instincts everywhere. Secretaries who would rather retype a 20-page document, rather than search for it in their hard drive or use a scanner. Bosses whose e-mail messages look like formal letters because, not knowing how to use the computer, they dictate the message to someone who does. Teachers who make their students memorize lists and do other mind-numbing functions. People who actually read and highlight the manuals of their new software ("If it scrolls out of the screen, it's gone forever!"). Attorneys who always talk like they were conducting a direct examination of a witness, even in normal conversation (if that is at all possible with these types, God save the Republic!).

The analog world's last bastion is the law. We lawyers don't live in no Juristic Park for nuttin'. For instance, Filipino lawyers exalt the "separation of powers" among the legislative, executive and judicial branches as the epitome of legal wisdom. Yet Harvard constitutionalist Lawrence Tribe, a math whiz in his youth, has suggested that such mechanistic check-and-balance is a vestige of the Newtonian imagination. The separation of powers is the lawyers' version of what 18th century scientists knew: To prevent the government from abusing its power, you must design the constitution like "a machine that goes of itself," or in the words of The Federalist Papers, one that "would enable government to control the governed, and in the next place oblige it to control itself."

By 1928, Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes already put down our Court's mechanistic thinking. Reviewing Springer v. Philippine Islands, a decision by the Philippine Supreme Court on the election of corporate directors, he said: "The great ordinances of the Constitution do not establish ... fields of black and white ... with mathematical precision [nor] divide the branches into watertight compartments." Instead, law is "a penumbra shading gradually from one extreme to another."

Today 77 years later, Filipinos still talk as if law is so exact, precise and predictable just like a manual Underwood typewriter -- and ignore what Professor Tribe calls the "changing curvature of constitutional space."

Yesterday, at Bocobo Hall of the University of the Philippines in Diliman, Quezon City, the Internet and Society Program sponsored a forum on Gloriagate Blogging. Prof. JJ Disini, fresh with his LL.M. from the Harvard Law School, convened a very dynamic group of the top Filipino bloggers and discussed the power of this new medium.

I am, though not a blogger, wholly fascinated. Before blogging, all public speech was regulated by media hierarchies and corporate behemoths. With blogging, Holmes' "free marketplace of ideas" has finally begun to operate on a level playing field (though not entirely cost-free, as Disini pointed out, and still shackled in the "prison of words," as Manolo Quezon said in the forum).

We must stamp out the vestiges of analog thinking, in favor of the digital imagination. The analog values the logical, the sequential and the hierarchical. The digital exalts the intuitive, the spontaneous and the democratic. The Xerox and the Betamax paved the way to Edsa People Power I -- the iron fist of martial law would have censored all news of Ninoy Aquino's assassination. "Texters" [SMS senders] mobilized the mammoth crowds at Edsa II within hours of the vote on the second envelope of evidence against Joseph Estrada. Perhaps Edsa III (or IV) will be a blogger's revolution, when the thinking but unorganized Filipino will make his voice heard, without the mediation of government or civil society elites.

Thursday, August 04, 2005

Divide & Rule?

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Divide and Decide
By Gemma B. Bagayaua
Newsbreak Staff Writer
BETWEEN the impeachment complaint against President Arroyo filed in the House of Representatives and the proposed truth commission, which is the way to go? Or should both proceed on parallel tracks?

There are "pitfalls" in having both a truth commission and an impeachment process operating at the same time, says Christian Monsod, former chairman of the Commission on Elections (Comelec). He believes that the truth commission should precede the impeachment process because witnesses might prefer to testify before the impeachment court. Congress and other relevant bodies can then agree to "adopt" the findings of the commission.

One potential problem is that witnesses to be called by the truth commission can cite the case of Juan Ponce Enrile, who was asked to testify by the Davide Commission on his alleged involvement in the 1989 coup attempt. He invoked his right to remain silent because a case had already been filed against him in court. His position was later upheld by the Supreme Court.

There's also a problem with timing. If the House agrees to allow the truth commission to do its investigations before the impeachment complaint is taken up, the House may not be able to meet the time limits set in the Constitution. The Speaker has to include the complaint in the order of business within 10 session days after filing and refer it to the justice committee within three session days. The justice committee is supposed to submit its report to the House within 60 session days from referral. Finally, the report has to be calendared for consideration by the House within 10 session days.

The truth commission may not be able to come up with its findings in time for the House to meet these deadlines.

Moreover, the truth commission is inherently weak, and there are doubts about its nature, even its legitimacy. Who will create it and appoint its members? What powers will it have? What if the findings of the commission contradict those of the impeachment court? And given the high level of distrust in the President, will the findings of the commission clearing the President of any wrongdoing be acceptable to the public?

According to a statement from the Bishop Businessmen's Conference (BBC), a vocal proponent of a truth commission, the body is supposed to:

• Investigate whether allegations, based on wiretapped conversations, that the President took advantage of her office to alter the results of the last presidential election are true or not.

• Look into whether there was systematic fraud committed by election officials, who took part in it, and how the fraud was committed, and to recommend actions to prevent its recurrence.

• Clear those whose names and reputations were unfairly put into question.

• Determine who authorized and executed the alleged wiretaps, and their motives for wiretapping and releasing the recorded conversations.

The President has agreed to the proposed truth commission, which she initially dismissed when presented by civil society groups. NEWSBREAK learned that she had hoped to preempt calls for a truth commission by publicly apologizing for speaking to a Comelec official.

But the President's move has been questioned by the opposition, and now, also by some of her allies. Administration lawmaker Constantino Jaraula, in an interview on ANC, said the President does not have coercive powers and thus cannot delegate powers to the commission. The Davide Commission, which investigated the 1989 coup attempt, was created by a presidential administrative order, but its existence was later affirmed by congressional act.

MalacaƱang proposes to create the truth commission through an administrative order. At the forum organized by the BBC, Monsod said that a commission formed in this manner would be beholden to the President. "A creation of an administrative order cannot be independent," he pointed out.

Constitutionalist Joaquin Bernas said the commission is unconstitutional because it undermines the impeachment powers of Congress and the power of the Presidential Electoral Tribunal (PET) to make a final decision as to who won the presidential elections.

In the same forum, Ricardo Saludo, secretary to the Cabinet, said the current thinking in the executive department is that the commission would engage in fact-finding and would not encroach on the "fault-finding powers" of other bodies like the Comelec, Congress, the justice department or the military tribunals. Its output will be purely recommendatory, he said.

It took the Davide Commission eight months to conclude its investigations. Over a decade after it completed its task, many of the reforms it recommended have yet to be carried out.

Truth commissions are often resorted to if there is legal impossibility of criminal prosecution, says international law professor Harry Roque. For instance, this is being considered in relation to investigating what happened to those who were killed or tortured under the Marcos regime. Since it is now legally impossible to go after the dead dictator, the least that can be done is to provide for mechanisms that would allow the families of the victims to find closure by tracing and recovering the remains of their loved ones.

Arangkada for August 5, 2005

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             BANGIS NGA BUDHI

 

Gawas sa iyang pagpirma sa impeachment complaint batok ni Presidente Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, si Kongresista Clavel Asas-Martinez sa ikaupat nga distrito sa Sugbo, ang usa sa labing suod sa presidente nga naningkamot na karon pagpalagpot niya sa puwesto, aktibong nitabang pagpalig-on sa mga saksi ug mga ebidensiya sa prosekusyon pangandam sa pormal nang pagsugod sa imbestigasyon sa House Committee on Justice sunod semana.

Si Martinez maoy usa sa nagsusi unsa kamapuslanon ang makapakugang nga testimoniya ug mga dokumento ni Michael Angelo Zuce, ang pag-umangkon ni kanhi Comelec Commissioner Virgilio Garcillano ug kanhi kawani sa Malakanyang, sa giingong pagsaksi ni Presidente Arroyo sa paghatag og payola sa jueteng ngadto sa mga opisyal sa Comelec aron pagtikas sa eleksiyon sa niaging tuig.

Iyang rekomendasyon? Ang kalig-on sa mga ebidensiya ni Zuce makapalig-on sa kaso batok sa presidente bisan kon ang saksi mismo nahilambigit sa lapad nga maniobra pagseguro sa kadaogan sa presidente.

-o0o-

Ang mga nasuhito sa kasuod nilang Martinez ug Presidente Arroyo maglisod pagtoo nga si Martinez maoy usa sa mangu sa prosekusyon pagpalagpot sa presidente. Wa modiretso og layat si Martinez ngadto sa oposisyon. Inanay ang pagkausab sa iyang pagtan-aw sa presidente. Pero dihang nakahukom na pagbiya sa administrasyon, wa nang kapugong si Presidente Arroyo bisan kapila pa gipatawag si Martinez sa Malakanyang.

Kasaligan nakong tinubdan niinsistir nga maliso pay buko sa kawayan kay sa baruganan sa mga Martinez pakigbatok nang Presidente Arroyo. Kay may sukaranan si Kongresista Martinez nga makumbinser nga gibukobuko siya sa presidente.

Bisan tuod wa maapil sa Garci tapes giunsa pagmaniobra ang iskutenyo sa Sugbo, parang Martinez ang nabistong direktang koneksiyon sa iyang mortal nga kaaway nga si Gobernador Gwen Garcia ngadtong Garcillano, tungod sa na-wiretap nga tawag sa wa mailhing lalaki nga ni-apura ni Garcillano pagproklamar ni Garcia bugti sa ila nang "gikasabotan" ug sa bisan unsang dugang pang pangayuon sa gidudahang eksperto sa dagdag-bawas "for the boys," maoy di malalis nga pruyba nga nagkatakdo ang hakog nga mga interes nilang Arroyo ug Garcia pagpanikas.

-o0o-

Samang tinubdan nipahibawo nako nga sa wa pang eleksiyon sa niaging tuig, nagduda nang grupo sa mga Martinez nga di tumanon ang pasalig ni Presidente Arroyo nga wa siyay paboran sa tanang lokal nga kandidato sa Probinsiya sa Sugbo nga pulos nisuporta niya. Mayoriya sa ilang mga dumadapig niawhag nila pagtakli sa ilang suporta ngadtong Fernando Poe Jr.

Pero si Kongresista Martinez niinsistir naga magpabilin silang Arroyo. Maong pagkabisto sa Garci tapes, wa kalikayi ang pagbasol sa iyang kaugalingon. Labi nang kon didto pa silang FPJ, duna unta silay kopya sa certificates of canvass ug nababagan unta ang bisan unsang maniobra pagtikas sa iyang banang kandidato pagka gobernador nga si Celestino Martinez Jr. [30]   leo_lastimosa@abs-cbn.com

Newsbreak Ed Threatened

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Posted by Alecks Pabico 
PCIJ

WE give way to this appeal from a colleague, Marites Vitug, editor-in-chief of Newsbreak, and similarly express our concern for the safety of Glenda Gloria, its managing editor.

Newsbreak Bares Threat

We would like to make public an incident that, we believe, is meant to scare one of our staff members at Newsbreak. While we know that threats come with our job we do not take this lightly.

By letting the public know of this incident, we hope to get the best protection for Ms. Gloria and Newsbreak.

Last night (August 2), at around 8:30 p.m., a wreath meant for the dead was delivered to the family residence of our managing editor, Glenda M. Gloria, in Quezon City. On the ribbon was written, "Condolence from your loving friends." The delivery boy was instructed to give the flowers to Glenda Gloria and that she would know where the deceased is.

Ms. Gloria spoke to the delivery boy and he said that a man in a black car, around 30 years old, bought the wreath from their small flower shop on Araneta Avenue. The man said that he was an employee of the company where Ms. Gloria worked and he gave his address as "Metro Manila." He instructed the delivery boy to go to two addresses: one is Ms. Gloria's old address which is on her Smart cell phone bill and the other is her family address. The man told the delivery boy that it was a rush job and paid P1,000 for the wreath.

The man also gave specific instructions to the delivery boy that if Ms. Gloria were not in the first address, "where she rents," he should proceed to the second address.

Ms. Gloria's recent stories in Newsbreak have to do with the military. In our July 4, 2005 issue, she wrote on the Intelligence Service of the Armed Forces as the "number one suspect" in the wiretap scandal. In our latest issue (August 15, 2005), she wrote on the alleged participation of some officers in the 2004 election fraud in the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao.

As managing editor, she also supervises and coordinates reporting of stories.

Marites Danguilan Vitug
Editor in Chief
Tel 687-5523/25
Fax 687-5528
E-mail: marites@newsbreak.com.ph

Wednesday, August 03, 2005

Arangkada for August 4, 2005

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NAANGIN TANAN

 

Usa sa labing dakong kalibogan sa atong panahon: Sa usa ka bahin, nitibugsok ang popularidad ni Presidente Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo ngadto sa 19%, nga maoy labing ubos sukad sa pagsugod sa surveys sa popularity ratings sa mga presidente niadtong 1984, duha ka tuig sa wa pa mapukan ang diktadura ni kanhi presidente Ferdinand Marcos; pero sa pikas bahin, ang mga kongresista nga nipirma sa impeachment complaint wa kaabot og 79, o 1/3 sa mga sakop sa House of Representatives, nga maoy gikinahanglan aron kasugdan sa labing daling panahon ang impeachment trial batok ni Presidente Arroyo sa Senado.

Duha ray posibleng katin-awan:

  • Una, sayop ang surveys suma sa pasangil sa Malakanyang, nga lisod toohan kay managsama ang findings sa tanang ligdong nga research organizations, di lang sa lokal nga SWS ug Pulse Asia kon dili apil nang kalibotanong survey groups nga gikuha sa CNN, Time Magazine ug ubang langyawng media organizations; o
  • Ikaduha, nga maoy mas katoohan, gipalabi sa mga kongresista ang ilang pamolitika kay sa pagpatigbabaw sa sentimento sa mga botante sa ilang mga distrito.

-o0o-

Sa labing uwahing survey sa Pulse Asia Inc., nga gihimo niadtong Hulyo 2-14 sa tibuok nasud, nitidlom sang popularidad nilang Bise Presidente Noli de Castro (44%), Senate President Franklin Drilon (39%), House Speaker Jose de Venecia (31%) ug Supreme Court Chief Justice Hilario Davide Jr. (31%).

Ang pagtibugsok ni de Castro gibasol sa iyang pagdupa ni Presidente Arroyo, kang Drilon tungod sa giisip nga oportunistang pagtalikod sa presidente, kang de Venecia tungod sa pagpahimus sa krisis pinaagi sa pagduso sa Cha-Cha, ug kang Davide tungod kay igo lang nangiyugpos atubangan sa higanteng eskandalo.

Sa kinatibuk-an, ni-us-os ang pagsalig sa katawhan sa gobyerno tungod sa krisis sa politika ug ekonomiya nga nihakop sa nasud. Pero si Presidente Arroyo maoy di katug nga maghayang. Kon ang imong approval rating mas ubos pa kay sa diktador nga niulipon sa nasud sud sa 14 ka tuig, duna kay seryusong problema.

-o0o-

Tungod sa nagkapuliki nga paningkamot sa mga torotot ni Presidente Arroyo pagsagang sa makalilisang nga testimoniya sa pag-umangkon ni kanhi Comelec Commissioner Virgilio Garcillano ug kanhi kawani sa Malakanyang, makalibog ang ilang sumbalik ni Michael Angelo Zuce:

  • Sa usa ka bahin, nipresentar sila og mga saksi nga nipintal ni Zuce nga gawas nga mayukmok rang kawani sa Palasyo daghan pa gyod og utang ug atraso maong di katoohan ang pangangkon nga siyay gitugyanan sa importanteng tahas sa pagtapok ug pagsuburno sa mga opisyal sa Comelec;
  • Pero sa pikas bahin, nipresentar sab silag mga saksi nga nipasangil ni Zuce sa pagpangolekta og minilyon ka pesos aron pagsurikbot sa mga protesta sa eleksiyon, tahas nga di mahimo kon tinuod pa siyang mayukmok. [30]   leo_lastimosa@abs-cbn.com

Grim Outlook

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Posted by Alecks Pabico 
PCIJ

PESSIMISM is now the prevailing mood among business executives as the country has slipped into a prolonged political crisis that has already taken its toll on the economy. Results of the recent Executive Outlook Survey conducted by the Makati Business Club among its members find the business optimism in the economy at the start of the year now being replaced with gloom despite the government's improved fiscal condition in the first half of the year.

Majority of the executives surveyed feel that there will be a lower GDP growth this year, a sharp downturn in business optimism compared to January 2005 when the survey was last taken. They also expect higher  inflation (compared to last year's 6.0% rate) and interest (compared to last year's 7.34% level for 91-day T-bills) rates.

More than two-thirds of the respondents likewise expect the peso to depreciate against the dollar by about 5 percent in the next six months.  A little over half of senior business executives also now see investments in 2005 falling below last year's P221.8 billion in investment approvals.

In terms of issues and developments, political concerns now outweigh economic ones as 61 percent of  business leaders consider the credibility and effectiveness of the Presidency a key issue that must be addressed.

The survey also focused on government performance, with 17 agencies, institutions and basic services receiving positive net scores for their performance in the last six months. Eighteen, however, got negative net scores. Interestingly, most of the agencies in the top list were those headed by some of the resigned Cabinet officials tagged as the " Hyatt 10." The top performing agencies are:

  1. Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (80.8%) under Gov. Rafael Buenaventura (now retired)
  2. Department of Finance (61.7%) under Sec. Cesar Purisima
  3. Department of Trade and Industry (58.5%) under Sec. Juan Santos
  4. Department of Budget and Management (53.2%) under Sec. Emilia Boncodin
  5. Bureau of Internal Revenue (43.7%) under Commissioner Guillermo Parayno

Meanwhile, the worst performing government agencies in the last six months are the following:

  1. House of Representatives (-82.9%)
  2. Senate (-79.8%)
  3. Commission on Elections (-78.7%)
  4. Department of Public Works and Highways (-67.0%)
  5. Department of Justice (-57.5%)

Done from July 1 to 29, the MBC survey had 94 respondents or close to 13 percent of the club's membership. A little over 70 percent of respondents belong to top management positions while close to 77 percent are Filipinos.

De Quiros' Column

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There's The Rub : Evangelizing

Conrado de Quiros dequiros@info.com.ph
Inquirer News Service

THERE'S this joke about an old man who says, "I do not smoke, I do not drink, I do not stay up late, I do not go to dingy clubs with loud music, and I do not carouse with women. That is why I can now celebrate my 85th birthday."

His friend asks him, "How?"

I remembered that joke when I read about Archbishop Gaudencio Rosales saying that though he is not a great fan of Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, he doesn't think getting rid of her will do any good. "Is she the only corrupt president in this country?" he asks. Ferdinand Marcos was corrupt and the presidents who succeeded him -- Cory Aquino, Fidel Ramos and Joseph Estrada -- were corrupt as well. Ms Arroyo is merely steeped in that tradition. Removing her won't solve anything.

"I want to evangelize people.... I want to change people's mentalities and give them a real orientation in life."

Same question: How?

I agree entirely with Rosales' premises, but I disagree entirely with his conclusions. It's true, we've had a procession of corrupt presidents over the last decades. It's true, Marcos was a humongous thief and the memory of his crimes is fading. It's true, ousting Ms Arroyo by itself won't solve all our problems.

None of that means we shouldn't oust President Arroyo. Ousting her won't solve all our problems, but it sure as hell, or heaven, will solve a great many of them.

The fact that we've had a procession of corrupt presidents doesn't make stopping a current one less imperative, it makes it more so. If I recall my religion classes right, the point is to confront evil at every turn, not to run away from it at every turn. Or worse, to see the uselessness of confronting it in the here and now because evil teems anyway in the there and thereafter. You push Rosales' argument further, it is useless to protest George W. Bush's occupation of Iraq because conquistadors have filled the earth since time immemorial, the Attila the Huns of this earth will always be there, it is a product of original sin. So what do we do, gnash our teeth and tear out our hair well before we end up in hell?

The argument is not unlike the one Ms Arroyo paraded at the State of the Nation Address, which is that our "trapo" [traditional politics] political culture is the root of all our evil. True, but some people contribute to it more than others, she most of all. You remove her and you hew down the roots of trapo politics. Or take very huge swings at it with the ax.

While at that, if we've had a procession of corrupt presidents for decades now, it is no small thanks to the Church, specifically to the kind of attitude Rosales sports. For some reason, the bishops discover the practical demands of the here and now when it comes to corrupt presidents they do not like but discover the irresolvable dilemma of evil throughout the ages when it comes to corrupt presidents they like. Jaime Cardinal Sin was like that -- his morality was selective. He rose to heroic eloquence when faced with the corruption of Marcos and Estrada, plucking out the moral imperative from the political retrogression, but lapsed to bovine contentment when faced with the corruption of Cory and Ms Arroyo, taking in the survival of the fittest in moral evolution. What did Sin and Jose Concepcion, chairman of the election watchdog Namfrel, like to quote? All it takes for evil to triumph is for good men to do nothing. They were never more right -- about themselves.

True enough, we may not forget about the sins of the past, notably Marcos'. But if this country forgets the sins of the past, it is also because its moral guardians refuse to see the sins of the present, and protest them. I've always said that what rehabilitated the Marcoses was not so much the policy of reconciliation that Cory took but the practice of thieving the Kamaganak Inc. [Relatives Inc.] took. The same is true of recent times: What has rehabilitated Estrada is not the failure of the courts to prove him guilty, it is the person who succeeded him proving more crooked than he was. Current sins always drown out past ones. No, more than that, they blot out past ones in the eyes of a jaded people. You do not protest what is happening before you, you make people forget what has gone before.

I've always thought that there was a corollary to Jose Rizal's famous aphorism that says, "Ang hindi marunong lumingon sa pinanggalingan, hindi makakarating sa pinaroroonan." That is: "Ang hindi marunong tumingin sa kasalukuyan ay hindi makikita ang nakaraan." It's not just that those who can't see the past won't see the future. It's also that those who can't see the present won't see the past. Those things are as intricately woven as threads in fine cloth.

There is corruption and there is corruption, just as there is sin and there is sin, cardinal or not. Some sins are worse than others and demand from us as members of the human race, never mind as part of the Christian fold, that we stop them. Bush's occupation of Iraq is one of them. Ms Arroyo's occupation of MalacaƱang is another. It is one thing to rob this country of its taxes, it is another to rob it of its votes. It is one thing to rob the country of its riches, it is another to rob it of its will. It is one thing to rob this country of its body, it is another to rob it of its soul.

Lest we forget, Ms Arroyo is not just accused of corruption, though heaven knows the fact alone that she brought back the very thing we ousted a popularly elected president for, which is the illegal lottery "jueteng," which brought her to MalacaƱang, is reason alone to evict her. But more than that, she is accused of corrupting the electoral process through the grace of Garci. To dismiss that because corruption is endemic to the presidency, s--t happens, Adam bit the apple (that guy was the original evader of responsibility, he blamed Eve for tempting him), what kind of message will you spread with that? You want to change people's mentalities and give them a real orientation in life?

Same question: How?

Tuesday, August 02, 2005

Arangkada for August 3, 2005

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DI INGON NATO

 

Samtang nagkadugay ug nagkainit ang eskandalo sa pakig-istorya ni Presidente Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo ni kanhi Comelec Commissioner Virgilio Garcillano pinaagi sa telepono aron pagmaniobra sa resulta sa eleksiyon sa Mindanao sa Mayo sa niaging tuig, nagkadako ang akong pagtoo nga dunay puwersa nga di ingon nato nga naglihok aron pagpalagpot ni Presidente Arroyo sa katungdanan.

Kay unsa may laing katin-awan sa mosunod nga kahibulongan nga mga panghitabo:

  • Ang pagtumaw sa tape recording usa ka tuig human sa eleksiyon nga, bisag uwahi na, bisag nakuha sa ilegal nga paagi ug bisag gikatahong gipanguwarta ni T/Sgt. Vidal Doble sa ISAFP, nakapahibawo sa publiko sa labing unang higayon giunsa pagmaniobra ang resulta sa eleksiyon sa labing taas nga ang-ang sa gobyerno ginamit ang kahimanan sa Malakanyang, Comelec, militar, kapolisan ug ubang ahensiya;

-o0o-

  • Pagkabisto sa pipila ka bahin sa Garci tapes nga nagpakita nga gawas sa iyang labing dakong krimen pagbudhi sa nasud, gibukobuko sab sa presidente hastang iyang suod nga politikanhong mga alyado, nga nakapasuko sa labing menos duha nila: Si Kongresista Clavel Asas-Martinez sa Sugbo nga nipirma na sa impeachment complaint ug kanhi gobernador Faustino Dy Jr. sa Isabela nga gikatakdang mobarug sa pasangil nga gisaksihan sa presidente sud sa iyang bay sa La Vista, Quezon City ang pagsuburno sa mga opisyal sa Comelec ginamit ang payola sa jueteng;
  • Pagtumaw nilang Sandra Cam ug ubang saksi nga bisan sa ilang pagkagumon sa jueteng ug ubang ilegal nga kalihokan nakahimo pa gyod paglambigit sa bana, anak ug bayaw sa presidente sa higanteng raket sa ilegal nga sugal;

-o0o-

  • Pagpakita ni Michael Angelo Zuce, kawani sa Malakanyang ug pag-umangkon ni Garcillano, kinsa lahi ni Cam, nakahikyad og mga dokumento gawas sa iyang testimoniya pagdason sa pagduda nga ang payola sa jueteng maoy gigamit ni Presidente Arroyo pagsurikbot sa eleksiyon ug pagkawat sa mandato sa mga botante; ug
  • Ang way kinutobang palpak sa Malakanyang—gikan sa pamakak ni Press Secretary Ignacio Bunye ngadto sa peke nga pagpangayo og pasaylo sa presidente nga niresulta sa resignasyon sa iyang labing sinaligang mga sakop sa gabinete. [30]   leo_lastimosa@abs-cbn.com

Monday, August 01, 2005

Arangkada for August 2, 2005

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             PREMYO SA LANGAY

 

Masuk-anong nireklamo si Presidente Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo nga nidangop ang oposisyon sa media sa pagpresentar sa ilang mga saksi seryusong pasangil nga iyang gitikas ang niaging eleksiyon uban sa pakigkonsabo ni kanhi Comelec Commissioner Virgilio Garcillano ubang opisyal sa Comelec ug sa mga heneral ug ubang opisyal sa militar ug kapolisan. Sa makausa pa, ug aron pagpalambo sa iyang kampanya pag-usab sa konstitusyon, gibasol ni Presidente Arroyo ang sistema sa politika nga nagtugot sa iyang mga kaatbang pagpresentar sa ilang mga saksi sa media sa way pagpaabot nga makapanalipod siya sa iyang kaugalingon.

Angayng pakalmahon ang presidente kay di monopoliya sa oposisyon ang kamahiligon nga mogamit sa media, siya mismo ganahan kaayong mopresentar sa media sa dinakpang suspitsadong mga kriminal bisan wa pa sila kapasakai og kaso sa korte, kausa gani nasayop siya pagpresentar sa nagbisto sa anomaliya nga mao ang suspek. Ug aron makaamgo nga ang Cha-Cha di maoy sulbad sa tanang problema, angayng pahinumdoman ang presidente nga federal-parliamentary nga gobyerno di garantiya batok sa iresponsableng mga pasangil.

-o0o-

Pero sa di pa hingpit nga moulbo ang kaspa sa presidente, maayo tingaling susihon nganong napugos ang oposisyon pagpatawag og press conferences aron pagpresentar sa ilang mga saksi, inay magpaabot sa impeachment process sa Kongreso. Ang mga alyado ra sab sa presidente, nga klarong igo ra sang nagtuman sa sugo sa Malakanyang, ang nagkonsabo pagamit sa makabungog nilang mayoriya aron pagbabag sa pagsugod sa proseso.

Kon matinud-anon si Presidente Arroyo sa iyang saad pagpanalipod sa iyang kaugalingon pinaagi sa impeachment, angayng bakwion niya ang script nga gisunod sa iyang paboritong mga itoy sa Kongreso ug pasagdan na lang ang oposisyon nga makasugod pagpresentar sa ilang mga saksi ug mga dokumento atubangan sa House Justice Committee. O mas maayo nga hunungon nang kinamangay aron gawasnon nang mga kongresista nga mopirma sa impeachment complaint ug kasugdan sa labing daling panahon sa impeachment trial sa Senado.

-o0o-

Sa kasamtangan, si Presidente Arroyo di kapugong ni House Minority Floor Leader Francis Escudero pagkabayo sa testimoniya ni Michael Angelo Zoce, nga nagpailang sinaligan ni Lakas Executive Director Joey Rufino, nga nakakita siya sa pagsuburno sa mga opisyal sa Comelec ginamit ang payola sa jueteng sud sa bay ug sinaksihan ni Presidente Arroyo. Labaw nang di siya kapugong ni Escudero nga duna silay laing lima ka saksi nga mopalig-on sa pasangil ni Zoce, puno sa taas na kaayong listahan sa ilang mga saksi.

Pero di inutil ang presidente batok sa sibaw nga mga pasangil sa oposisyon nga gipaagi sa media. Daghan siyang nabayran nga mga sakop sa media ug mga gobernador, mga mayor ug ubang lokal nga mga opisyal. Ug panahon nang maningil siya sa ilang bugti nga serbisyo. [30]  leo_lastimosa@abs-cbn.com