Sunday, September 04, 2005

Glo's Patronage Politics

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Posted by Alecks Pabico 
PCIJ

THE way the ranks of endorsers of the amended impeachment complaint against Pres. Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo are gaining signatures one moment and then losing some the next in an uncanny dagdag-bawas fashion makes one wonder whether the invisible hand of a Virgilio Garcillano might be at work here.

Only that the beleaguered former Comelec commissioner, the other half in the "Hello Garci" tapes scandal, has been reported missing since the second week of June. And besides, this is definitely no electoral exercise and therefore out of league of his skills to manipulate.

The impeachment, after all, is a Constitutional process that is exclusively the House of Representatives to initiate. Imbued with much political character, that is not supposed to mean though that the process should be hostaged to politics the way it is being reduced to now, particularly in the mad scramble for the last signatures in the countdown to Tuesday's plenary vote at the House of Representatives.

Like almost everything about government, the impeachment has deplorably turned into yet another showcase of the kind of politics that the President is supposedly abhorrent of — the usual politics of patronage, tradeoffs and spoils, the same wheeling-and-dealing kind that only lends even more credence to the House of Representatives being derisively regarded as the "Lower House," although many would argue that the appropriate adjective should be in the superlative.

Though how vehemently MalacaƱang may deny it, the Office of the President cannot evade suspicion of prostituting the process, simply because it is the single largest dispenser of political patronage in the country.

For how else can the sordid tales of timely SARO (Special Allotment Release Orders) releases to congressmen, the string of appointments of members of their families and relatives to government positions, the promise of projects and other favors be interpreted? Certainly not mere innocent presidential tokens.   

How else can it be explained that congressmen will sign the amended complaint only to withdraw their endorsements at this crucial stage — and under the flimsiest of excuses as not being able to read its contents or because the justice committee decided not to consider it anyway?

How else can administration congressmen the likes of Surigao del Sur Rep. Prospero Pichay proclaim with arrogant certainty that more signatories will be withdrawing and will not show up for the all-important vote at the plenary session next week?

But the pro-impeachment side is not as innocent. While it is true as they say that they do not have SAROs and influence to dispense, there is reason to believe that some signatures were gained in exchange for favors not necessarily monetary, but political nonetheless.

For all its proclaimed curing of the defects and infirmities of the Lozano complaint, the amended complaint is apparently a compromised document. At least a dozen congressmen committed to sign the complaint but whose signatures were very much absent when it was filed on July 25.

Some of the charges, of which the fertilizer funds scam is one example, impeachment insiders say, have been dropped or toned down as a concession to congressmen from the ruling coalition, who felt very much alluded to in the charge, so they can be enticed to sign.

Another appeal was to completely disregard the charge regarding Arroyo's culpability in the killing of political dissenters. As a consequence, some paragraphs had to be edited from the final draft. Despite the changes made and entertained though, many have yet to endorse the complaint.

House Speaker Jose de Venecia is likewise said to have given his blessings to all the charges in the impeachment complaint except the case of the Northrail project — reportedly influenced by a feud between the Speaker and Senate President Franklin Drilon — for which he allegedly has a lot to answer to.
 
Yet the same goes with those who now have given their commitments to sign the amended complaint as soon as the required 79 signatures is reached, concerned more about their political future. Why the segurista stance if this is not politics as usual?

Will there be hope for a conscience vote among our congressmen come Tuesday's plenary session? Judging by the way they voted at the justice committee, there is little to look for beyond what is going to be assuredly a vote along partisan lines.

Take these cases for example:

  • In explaining his vote against the amended complaint last week, administration congressman Rep. Felix Alfelor Jr. (4th district, Camarines Sur) said that since this is a political contest, he defers to the collective decision of his colleagues as he "adheres to the interests of his party (Lakas-CMD)."
  • Another administration congressman, Rep. Romualdo Vicencio (2nd district, Northern Samar, Lakas-CMD), who abstained in the vote to declare the Lozano complaint sufficient in form, said a yes vote, which he intended to cast, was "of no consequence because the results would have been the same have the pro-impeachment congressmen been here."
  • Rep. Manuel Ortega (1st district, La Union, KNP), on the other hand, said his decision not to endorse the complaint was a result of the "unruly, ungentlemanly, unparliamentary behavior" of his colleagues in the pro-impeachment side who walked out of the committee hearing last Wednesday.

If there was one clear lesson learned for party-list representatives who have given the impeachment process a chance, it is that "patronage politics is destroying our democracy."

"We participated in the process and did so fair and square, well aware of the infirmities of the process itself," says Akbayan Rep. Mario Aguja. "We know how patronage can be dispensed by the President through the giving out of lucrative government appointments and projects to prevent the opposition from gathering the 79 signatures needed to transmit the complaint to the Senate."

Whether or not the amended complaint gets enough signatures or votes for it to undergo a Senate trial, the impeachment process has already succeeded in showing us one thing fundamental — the limitations of the very institution mandated by the Constitution to hold the President accountable, its independence and credibility eroded by partisan interests and patronage politics.

Arangkada for September 5, 2005

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HIMATYON NA

 

        Gawas lang kon maminaw ang mga kongresista sa ilang mga konsiyensiya, seguro nang mabasura ang impeachment complaint batok ni Presidente Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo karong semanaha.   Kusi na lang sa konsiyensiya ang makaaghat sa mga kongresista pagpatigbabaw sa mas dako nilang obligasyon pagserbisyo sa kinabag-an sa katawhan inay sa presidente nga nagpabaga pagpabaha sa mga haylo ug mga hudlat aron lang pagpug-ok sa kahigayonan nga mahusay ug mahibaw-an ang kamatuoran sa seryusong mga pasangil batok niya.

        Karong semanaha ang kataposang higayon sa mga politiko pagmatuod nga ligdong ang proseso nga ilang gipasiatab nga maoy angayng dangpan pagtubag sa lapad nga pagduda sa ka-lehitimo sa mandato nga nakuha ni Presidente Arroyo sa eleksiyon sa Mayo 10, 2004.   Kon di matagbaw ang katawhan sa ilang makita, mahimong silay mangunay pagsusi sa kamatuoran ug pagsilot sa mga opisyal nga nigamit sa makinarya sa gobyerno pagtago sa kamatuoran gikan nila.

-o0o-

        Ang mga torotot ni Presidente Arroyo, nga naglakip sa mga sakop sa media nga hangol nga nitukob sa minilyon ka pesos nga suburno nga gipabaha sa Malakanyang, nangugat nga angayng tahuron bisan unsay dangatan sa impeachment process kay igo lang gipatigbabaw sa mga kongresista ang balaod.   Ang mga luog ra nga nagpuyo sa labing hilit nga mga langob maoy motoo sa ilang pagarpar.

        Sa iyang ka-desperada nga magpabilin sa gahom, wa na magtagad si Presidente Arroyo pagtago sa iyang mga maniobra pagseguro nga di kaabot og 79 ang mga kongresista nga mopirma sa impeachment complaint.   Nagpapating ang presidente sa pagpatawag sa mga kongresista sa Malakanyang, pagtawag nila sa telepono, pagtanyag nilag mga pabor, kuwarta ug proyekto ug pagtudlo sa ilang mga paryente sa importanteng mga puwesto sa gobyerno.

        Labing uwahi niyang biktima mao si Kongresista Antonio Yapha sa ikaduhang distrito sa Sugbo.   Kinsa iyang gipasaligan pinaagi sa telepono nga suportahan sa iyang away batok ni Gobernador Gwen Garcia.  Nahadlok kong gipasaligan sab niyag suporta ang mga Garcia.   Unsaon man niya pagtuman ang nagkasukwahi niyang mga saad kon maningil nang tanan niyang giulog-ulogan?

-o0o-

        Di gawasnon ang mga kongresista nga nagtuki sa impeachment complaint tungod sa panuburno ug panghudlat sa Malakanyang.   Sama nga di gawasnon ang mga botante nga iyang gilumsan sa binilyon ka pesos nga kuwarta sa gobyerno sa niaging eleksiyon.  Mao nga kon, simbako, layo ra to, malupig sa kuwarta ang kamatuoran, si Arroyo di gihapon makatug nga maghayang.

        Kay katawhan, lahi sa mga kongresista, di niya mahurot paghudlat ug pagbayad.   Mopasuwabi ang ilang kauhaw sa kaligdong ug kamatuoran.  Way makapugong kon magkahiusa na sila pagtingog ug paglihok.  Ug di makapasalipod si Arroyo sa mga institusyon nga iyang giduhig sa nagkabulingit, nangalisbo ug naghingutas na niyang administrasyon—nga gibuhi na lang sa naghingapin niyang kahakog sa gahom.   [30]  leo_lastimosa@abs-cbn.com

Saturday, September 03, 2005

Arangkada for Sept. 4, 2005

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                GIUNSA PAGTIKAS

 

        Si kanhi senador John Osmena, nga nitingob sa iyang panahon pagtuon sa mga dokumento sa Commission on Elections (Comelec) aron pagpalig-on sa iyang protesta sa eleksiyon, dunay nakit-an nga laing sukaranan sa pagduda sa resulta sa eleksiyon sa Sugbo niadtong Mayo 10, 2004:  Mas daghang Sugbuanon ang nibotar sa mga kandidato pagka presidente kay sa lokal nga mga kandidato.  Sa Cebu City pananglitan, nipakita og kuwentada si Osmena nga mas daghang nibotar nilang Presidente Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, Fernando Poe Jr. ug ubang presidentiables kay nilang Mayor Tomas Osmena, Alvin Garcia ug ubang kandidato pagka mayor.

        Ang beteranong politiko niingon nga sa taas niyang katuigan sa politika, mas dako ang interes sa mga botante para sa lokal kay sa nasudnongamga kandidato.  Sa kada 10 nga mobotar sa mga kandidato pagka mayor, walo ra ang mobotar sa mga kandidato pagka presidente ug upat ray mobotar sa mga kandidato pagka senador.

        Niinsistir si Osmena nga ang mas daghang botante para sa pagka presidente maoy usa sa lig-ong mga ebidensiya nga gimaniobra ang resulta sa eleksiyon.

-o0o-

        Atol sa Kapamilya Media Forum sa DYAB Abante Bisaya ug SkyCable niadtong Biyernes, si Osmena nipasangil nga ang pagpanikas gipasiugdahan sa Malakanyang sa way pagkonsulta sa lokal nga mga kandidato sa administrasyon.  Hinuon silang Mayor Osmena ug Gobernador Gwen Garcia iya sang gipasanginlan nga naghimo sa ilang kaugalingong bersiyon sa pagpanikas.

        Ang taktika sa pagpanikas sa Malakanyang giingon ni Osmena nga giumol sa grupo nga gitukod ni First Gentleman Mike Arroyo human nipahibawo si Presidente Arroyo niadtong Disyembre 2002 nga di siya modagan pagka presidente.  Ang pahibawo sa presidente nanukad sa giingon ni Osmena nga survey nga nagpakita nga mapilde siya bisan kinsay kandidato sa oposisyon (niadtong higayona, wa pa maklaro ang kandidaura ni FPJ).

Pero nakumbinser ni Mike ang iyang asawa nga may kahigayonan silang modaog:  Ppinaagi sa pagpalapad pag-ayo sa iyang labaw sa Sugbo ug Kabisay-an aron pagtapak sa ubos sa iyang popularidad sa Luzon ug Mindanao .

-o0o-

        Mao ni mga lakang sa giingong tikas sa Malakanyang nga gibisto ni Osmena:

  • Gipaburot pag-ayong gidaghanon sa bag-ong mga botante (54%) pinaagi sa kuwestiyonable nga continuing registration sa Comelec;
  • Ang grupo sa Malakanyang nga giingon sa Newsbreak nga gipangulohan ni Victor Rigor nagsuwat nang daan sa genuine nga mga balota, election returns, statements of votes ug certificates of canvass pila ka adlaw sa wa pang eleksiyon;
  • Human sa iskutenyo sa lokal nga mga kandidato, kanus-a namiya nang kasagaran sa watchers, giilisan ang blangko nga mga balota sa inandam nga mga balota; ug
  • Kay blangko mang linya para sa lokal nga mga kandidato, wa matandog ang ilang mga boto, pero niburot na pag-ayong boto sa nasudnong mga kandidato, labi nang Presidente Arroyo.  [30]  leo_lastimosa@abs-cbn.com


Friday, September 02, 2005

Inquirer Editorial

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Editorial : What price victory?

THE GREEK general Pyrrhus defeated the Romans at the battle of Asculum, losing many friends, soldiers and equipment in the process. He replied to congratulations with the famous phrase, "Another such victory and we are ruined!" His rejoinder gave the world the idea of a Pyrrhic victory: one secured at such cost as to be inglorious and even tragic.

We do not know if it was with such a classical allusion in mind that Makati Rep. Teddyboy Locsin issued this warning to his peers: throwing out the amended impeachment complaints was like "poisoning the tigers in the cage, only to send out a mouse to face the gladiators in the arena, except now, we are even going to strangle the mouse."

The tiger was the amended Lozano complaint, and the mouse, the original Lozano complaint. The tiger was killed on Tuesday. By a vote of 50 in favor of killing the original Lozano complaint, 4 against, and 1 abstention, the administration majority and its allies in the House ganged up on the mouse on Wednesday night and stomped it to death.

Earlier that day, Speaker Jose de Venecia and Presidential Political Adviser Gabriel Claudio made themselves visible on the floor of the House of Representatives. And Claudio's ear was glued to a cell phone much of the time, a reminder of who was really calling the shots in the proceedings.

The gangland-style killing of the original Lozano complaint occurred despite attempts, feeble though they might have been, to try to at least spread the responsibility for the mouse's doom among all the members of the House in plenary. Cagayan de Oro Rep. Constantino Jaraula and Locsin both argued that a better course of action would have been to take from the amended complaint the items that serve to fortify and clarify the allegations made in the original Lozano complaint. Such a course of action would have been more in keeping with the House's self-proclaimed tradition of compromise. Instead, their recommendations were ignored.

Ignored as well were Cavite Rep. Crispin Remulla's at times rambling warnings that to use brute force now would only guarantee a second round of impeachment attempts in a year's time, and the arguments of other representatives questioning the tactic of using prejudicial questions to clear the path for the mouse's assassination.

The result is that on Monday, all that the members of the House will be asked to do in plenary is to affix their signatures, by way of their votes, to the mouse's death certificate. To paraphrase a familiar old saying, the House has labored, only to bring forth a mouse-and the mouse was squashed on arrival.

It is true that the House has always been known for its subservience to the executive department. But officially existing as the lower half of an independent branch of government, the House does not need to be seen to be so eager to please the President. For the impeachment hearings are about more than giving the President a gift for her trip to the United Nations; they are about giving the people a chance to see their representatives demonstrating their capability to act responsibly.

Democracy is, indeed, about the rule of the majority, but democratic government is also about preventing overwhelming numbers from exhibiting tyrannical behavior toward not only the minority but also its processes. That is why there are debates, and why contending sides are required to ventilate their views. The true nature of the impeachment proceedings in retrospect can be judged not according to the frustrating, often nonsensical behavior of both sides while they remained engaged in committee. It was demonstrated by the lack of thought and due diligence of the proceedings after the debate was reduced to the majority and the very few within its ranks who persisted in displaying independence of thought. In mere minutes, highly contentious issues were settled: issues that have divided not just the House, but the country.

Such was the haste of the pro-administration majority members that they could not put off for Thursday what could be decided late into the night on Wednesday. The last time such indecent haste was on full display was during the canvassing for votes for the presidency. And we know the bitter results of that exercise. It widened the rift between the two sides, it reopened still raw political wounds and it added salt to those wounds. The majority may have gained a victory, but at what price?

Thursday, September 01, 2005

Marcoleta's True Colors

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Posted by Luz Rimban 
PCIJ

THE "Hello, Garci" controversy and the impeachment process have exposed the seamy side of party-list politics and showed how supposed representatives of the marginal sectors of society may have been eaten up by what they themselves call "dirty politics." 

Wednesday night, ABS-CBN reporter Aladin Bacolodan interviewed ex Alagad party-list representative Diogenes Osabel, a former friend of impeachment-complaint-endorser Rep. Rodante Marcoleta. In that story, Osabel's main contention was that the party had expelled Marcoleta last year for failing to share congressional funding with Alagad and for refusing to consult with his party-list colleagues on vital issues. The expulsion, Osabel says, stripped Marcoleta of the right to sit as member of Congress and to endorse the first impeachment complaint. 

Osabel also added to what former social welfare secretary Dinky Soliman revealed on Tuesday: that it was the Arroyo administration that put Marcoleta up to it as part of a "grand conspiracy" to thwart a genuine impeachment process.

In an interview with PCIJ, Osabel alleged that Marcoleta's close ties to the administration began when the party first filed a case before the Commission on Election months ago, asking the poll body to revoke Marcoleta's nomination as party list rep.  The Comelec's second division has washed its hands of the issue, saying it was the House Electoral Tribunal that had jurisdiction over the case, now on appeal at the Comelec.

Osabel alleges that this was how Marcoleta may have developed close ties with Garci himself, Comelec Commissioner Virgilio Garcillano, and with Presidential Political Affairs Adviser Gabriel Claudio. With a case pending before the Comelec and placed in a vulnerable position of possibly losing his seat, Marcoleta may have struck a deal with the administration.

"This guy (Marcoleta) would do anything to survive," Osabel said.

Not true, according to Marcoleta, who denies he and Garci are friends. In fact, Marcoleta told PCIJ, it was Comelec Commissioner Mehol Sadain and not Garci who handled the Comelec case. "I know them (Comelec commissioners) by name only. As for Garcillano, ngayon ko lang nakita yun with this Garci tapes controversy (The first time I saw Garcillano was in connection with the Garci tapes controversy)," Marcoleta said.

Marcoleta has tossed back the accusations to Osabel, a friend of Soliman and former official of the Presidential Commission for the Urban Poor, who Marcoleta claims has hung on to power,  refused to give up the party presidency for the past seven years and was actually the one disowned by Alagad. What's more, Marcoleta said, there's a reason ABS-CBN gave Osabel airtime. Marcoleta cites a House resolution his erstwhile partymate Osabel filed in 2000 asking the water utility office MWSS to help bail out Maynilad water, a company that like ABS-CBN is owned by the influential Lopez family.

Osabel, however, insists that the point is Marcoleta's role in the impeachment process. If indeed Marcoleta was not a pawn of the administration, why did he not cast a vote in favor of the "sufficiency in form and substance" of the original impeachment complaint?

Osabel asks: Why did Marcoleta allow the majority to dismiss the original Lozano complaint, the very complaint that he endorsed on June 29?  What did Marcoleta do to defend what to civil society was the "legal, proper and peaceful" manner of resolving the political crisis?

Once upon a time, all of them—Marcoleta, Osabel and Soliman—were on one side of the fence, counting themselves part of civil society. These days civil society has been wracked by dissension and power struggles. Some of its members have gone their separate ways and are far from civil.

Arangkada for September 2, 2005

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SYUT TANG TANAN

 

         Maayo natong pagkasud sa bolsa.  Di lang kitang ordinaryong mga molupyo.   Kon dili hastang dagkong mga politiko ug mga negosyante.  Apil na ganing mga obispo.

         Nitoo tang tanan sa pasalig ni Presidente Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo nga di siya mokanaog sa katungdanan kay iyang tubagon ang mga pasangil nga iyang gigamit ang payola sa jueteng aron pagtikas sa eleksiyon sa niaging tuig pinaagi sa impeachment proceedings sa Kongreso.   Nakumbinser ta nga di mamugos sa iyang resignasyon aron kahatagan siyag higayon pagpanalipod sa iyang kaugalingon.

         Pero natinuod ang dako natong kahadlok:  Nga ang presidente, human nakigkonsabo sa jueteng lords ug sa mga kukhan nga tiglubag sa eleksiyon, mohimo sa tanan aron pagluok sa kamatuoran.

-o0o-

         Pagsugod pa lang gani sa impeachment proceedings sa House Justice Committee, ang mga kongresista sa administrasyon hingpit nga nisandig sa ilang mayoriya aron pagpamugos sa mga maniobra nga makaribal sa labing salawayon nga mga paugat sa nangalisbong kasaysayan sa politika sa nasud.   Inay hatagan og higayon ang mga namasangil pagpresentar sa ilang mga saksi ug ebidensiya aron matubag ni Presidente Arroyo, ang mga kongresista nga klarong under-the-bunal sa Malakanyang, matinud-anong nisunod sa script pagsabotahe sa proseso:

§       Namugos sila sa ilang katungod pagpili sa pasangil nga tubagon sa presidente;

§       Ilang gipili ang labing huyang sa tulo ka impeachment complaints nga gipasaka; ug

§       Wa pa gani kabawi ang publiko sa ilang kakurat sa papating sa mga kongresista, gibasura dayon ang kaso nga ilang napilian.

-o0o-

         Sa ato pa, kon di kapugngan ang binuang nga salida sa administrasyon, mabasura ang tulo ka impeachment complaints tungod lang sa technicality.   Bahala na kon wa idili sa mga lagda, ug modako untang kahigayonan nga mapatigbabaw ang kamatuoran, kon gitugotan pang mahiusa ang tanang pasangil aron matingob pagtubag sa presidente, ug mapapas ang tanang pagduda sa ka-lehitimo sa iyang mandato.

         Ang presidente nga nangahas pagamit sa ngan sa Ginoo aron pag-insistir nga lunsay ang iyang kadaogan sa niaging eleksiyon, kansang mga torotot niinsistir nga ang tanang mga saksi sa oposisyon binayran ug bakakon ug ang ilang mga ebidensiya minao-mao, wa gyod diay bisan gamay na lang pagtahud sa proseso nga kanunayng gihapin sa iyang pagpamugos pagpabilin sa katungdanan.

-o0o-

         Karong na-syut na tang tanan sa bolsa, igo na ba lang tang maglingu-lingo, mangiyugpos ug magpakahilom?   O mosuki, mokisikisi ug manlimbasog paglingkawas sa laang nga atong nasudlan?

         Nagpabiling kalma ang katawhan atubangan sa pakauwaw sa administrasyon tungod sa saad sa mas malinawong resolusyon nga gisaad sa impeachment proceedings ug sa kakuwang og kaligdong sa mga nangu sa kampanya pagpalagpot sa presidente.

         Tungod sa bastos nga pagluok sa impeachment complaints, ang katawhan mahimong mapugos paghangop sa mga solusyon nga di hingpit nga malinawon ug mga lider nga di hingpit nga ligdong.   [30]  leo_lastimosa@abs-cbn.com

              

Minority Walkout

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The Long View : The walkout by the minority

Manuel L. Quezon III
Inquirer News Service

SO it's possible, after all, to squeeze blood from a turnip. The opposition has been hobbled, from day one of the impeachment fight by the actions of lawyer Oliver Lozano. He may not be known as a splendid lawyer, but he certainly has a keen sense of how to hog the headlines. His complaint has hounded the process every step of the way, leading to the legal and linguistic contortions we've seen in the House.

By all accounts, the Black & White forum was supposed to help influence wavering congressmen to sign the amended complaint. At first blush, the forum disappointed most observers. But then the Palace stepped in only to draw more attention to Dinky Soliman's revelations, the most important of which was her claim to having overheard President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo discussing the Lozano complaint with Secretary Gabby Claudio.

As soon as the Palace saw that no documents or hard evidence would be revealed, they proceeded to attack Soliman and friends. Their tactic: reduce the debate to a "he said, she said" series of pots calling kettles black. In such a game, the administration doesn't have to win, it only has to throw enough mud around. That it did.

What neither side gambled on, perhaps, was the ability of the congressmen themselves to put two and two together, and then, the clumsiness of the majority.

More explosive than Soliman's revelation (of the President's instruction for Claudio to deliver an endorser, and Claudio's instant reaction that he had just the right party-list representative in mind) was a reminder that Lozano had also saved then Vice President Arroyo from impeachment by filing a bogus impeachment complaint in 2000. The clincher in the conspiracy theory was the fact that it was Rep. Prospero Pichay, the lead attack dog of the majority, who endorsed Lozano's complaint then. To the observer, this was the most damning detail.

Then there was the case of the impatient engine driver. If the majority had allowed last Tuesday's justice committee hearings to proceed with ample opportunities for the members of the minority to scream and yell, it could then say they were being spoil sports, because the majority could have proceeded with a vote, and then sneered at the minority for failing to come up with the necessary 79 signatures. And it could have argued that there remained the opportunity for the minority to challenge the majority decision in plenary.

Apparently, it did not enter the minds of the members of the majority that they were relying on a committee chair (Rep. Simeon Datumanong) who had already irritated and frustrated his colleagues because of his weak parliamentary skills and, at times, amusing hearing problem. By nature an easy-going sort of fellow, Datumanong forgot he was dealing with young hotheads.

The clincher was the decision of Datumanong to suspend the debate, thus cutting off Rep. Ace Barbers. Earlier, Datumanong had turned off the microphone on minority representatives when they tried to bring up contentious issues (Soliman's revelation; and the fact that only the "amended" complaint has been properly verified and, therefore, the only one that should be discussed). So Datumanong's scatter-brained and suddenly inflexible behavior was enough to get the minority angry and upset. It was bad politics, because he could have subjected Rep. Robert "Ace" Barbers' motion to a vote and then asked the minority to make its closing statement.

To make things worse, upon summarily ending the debate, Datumanong moved to put the first of the prejudicial questions to a vote. To top it all, he ignored the last-minute attempts of some minority members to make a motion to adjourn (in parliamentary practice, such a motion trumps all other motions, and cannot be ignored). And so, the walkout. Everyone knew a walkout was an option; it had been discussed for weeks. The majority failed to give the minority an excuse for such a move.

Things then moved so fast that neither those in the Session Hall or those watching on TV or listening to radio quite knew what was going on; the television channel ANC immortalized the event as "pandemonium."

Actually, for weeks now, it was said that the minority would do a walkout, either with or without Susan Roces. Rep. Edcel Lagman claims the opposition was set to walk out anyway after the disposition of the second prejudicial question.

So, it means the surprise was that the members of the minority walked out sooner than expected. Why did they do that? Rep. Darlene Custodio's explanation seems quite plausible.

What did the majority do? It hung around, waiting for the minority to come back. Then the minority held a press conference, appealing for signatures, and saying it was fed up and would no longer participate in the committee meeting. The attitude of the minority having been made clear, what did the majority do?

It made the biggest mistake of all. It proceeded to vote on the prejudicial question. It could have waited for cooler heads to prevail. It did not. It proceeded to justify the minority's belief that it was out to railroad events. It held the vote, and won the vote -- though some, like Rep. Teodoro Locsin Jr., who remained behind, voted against the motion in disgust (you could clearly see it in Locsin's face as he sat while everyone else stood up to show their approval of the disposition of the prejudicial questions).

When this is all argued and counter-argued in the days to come, the question of the minority's sincerity -- was it planning a walkout all along? -- will be answered by two things: the twitching, angry faces of Custodio and friends, versus the railroaded vote that proceeded even after the minority left the hall.

Wednesday, August 31, 2005

Arangkada for Sept. 1, 2005

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            TAPHAWNG PAGTUON

 

Tungod sa pasangil sa ilang pagdawat og makabungog nga honorarium gikan sa gitagud-tagod nga subjects sa evening program, ang mga opisyal sa Cebu State College of Science and Technology (CSCST) gikatahong nagplano sa pagpapas na lang sa evening classes. Kon mahinayon, peligrong maputol ang pag-eskuyla sa kapon sa 3,000 ka mga tinun-an. Ug ang gipasangil nga pangurakot nilang CSCST President Jose Sal Tan ug kaubanan madugangan sa bangis nga krimen pagluba sa kaugmaon sa inosenteng mga batan-on.

Way nagkuwestiyon sa evening classes sa CSCST. Gawas nga nakatabang ni sa mga tinun-an nga di maka-eskuyla sa adlaw, nakahatag pa gyod og dugang kinitaan sa mga magtutudlo. Ang dakong balikas mao ang pagpahimus sa mga opisyal sa eskuylahan pagpuno sa ilang bolsa og hangtod tag P125,000 kada buwan nga honoraria sa way pagserbisyo bisan usa ka gutlo sa subjects nga gibuakbuak og ka-28 ka higayon.

-o0o-

Gibasura na sa Department of Budget and Management (DBM) ug Commission on Audit (COA) ang pangugat sa mga opisyal sa CSCST nga legal ang ilang pagdawat og honoraria nga mas dako pa kay sa ilang naandang suholan:

  • Si Direktor Carmela S. Fernan sa DBM 7 niingon nga ang non-teaching personnel di mahimong modawat og honorarium segun sa Budget Circular No. 2003-5;
  • Sa iyang bahin, si Sonia L. Dejacto, Audit Team Leader sa CSCST, human sawaya sa giingong kapakyas pagbadlong sa binuang nilang Tan ug kaubanan, nisaad pag-disallow sa honoraria sa teaching personnel nga giapil sa evening program bisan way aktuwal nga teaching loads;
  • Ang bisan unsang honoraria nga ihatag kinahanglang di molapas sa P20,000 kada buwan, segun sa Administrative Order No. 103; ug
  • Di makakobrang mga opisyal ug mga kawani sa CSCST og overtime pay, kon mo-serbisyo silag lapas sa walo ka oras, bayran sila pinaagi sa dugang time/days off sa trabaho.

-o0o-

Nisaad si Cebu City Councilor Nestor Archival, chairman sa Environment Committee sa Cebu City Council, nga isumiter ngadto sa Visayas Ombudsman ang tanang dokumento nga nahipos sa iyang komitiba labot sa kontrobersiyal nga pagpamalit og kemikal batok sa dengue. Pero nanghunaw siyang daan sa kuwestiyonableng mga aspeto sa transaksiyon:

  • Nganong Aqua-Resigen (permethrin ang generic name) ang gipangayo sa City Health ug giaprobahan sa City Council, pero lambdacyhalothrin (generic name sa MaxiFog) man ang aktuwal nga gikompra sa syudad;
  • Kon ang gitun-an sa komitiba ni Archival mao ra ang Aqua-Resigen, nga brand name sa Bayer Philippines, unsaon pa man pagsud sa laing water-based chemicals nga hinimo sa karibal nga mga kompaniya; ug
  • Tinuod ba nga ang pagtuon sa komitiba gibase lang sa Material Safety Data Sheet (MSDS) sa Aqua-Resigen nga, palihug panggunit mo sa lingkoranan, hinatag ra sab sa supplier? [30]  leo_lastimosa@abs-cbn.com

The Puzzle Fits

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Posted by Alecks Pabico 
PCIJ

BELOW is the statement of the Legal Team (Amended Impeachment Complaint) headed by U.P. College of Law Prof. H. Harry Roque Jr. on the recent revelation made by former social welfare secretary Dinky Soliman on the circumstances surrounding the impeachment complaint filed by Atty. Oliver Lozano and endorsed by Alagad party-list Rep. Rodante Marcoleta.

The Puzzle Fits

The revelation by former DSWD Secretary Dinky Soliman on how the Marcoleta-endorsed Lozano complaint came about  illustrates yet President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo's propensity to trivialize constitutional processes such as the impeachment.

It appears that from the very onset, MalacaƱang has had a master plan to defeat all constitutional means by which to hold the President liable for her acts of cheating, lying and stealing.

It also explains the political play that we have been witnessing in Congress since hearings on the impeachment complaints commenced in the House: by causing the endorsement of the Lozano complaint that was patently insufficient in form and substance, the President would be assured of yet another impeachment free year in office given the one impeachment proceeding per year rule.

No wonder the pro-GMA legislators will almost certainly insist that the House Justice Committee should hear only the original Lozano complaint.

But despite MalacaƱang's grand design, they apparently did not foresee even the possibility of the filing of  the  Amended Complaint which would detail the Presidents acts of cheating, lying and stealing.

While a second complaint may have been within their contemplation, an amended one, which in legal parlance would supersede the first complaint, was not. And certainly, they did not foresee that no less than insiders, the Hyatt 10 today, will bear testimony as to how the President clearly committed yet another instance of obstruction of justice. Clearly, while the Palace was not wanting in planning and conspiracies, they did not succeed in its grand plan to conceal the truth.

The legal team of the amended impeachment complaint now calls on both the members of the House of Representatives and the general public not to allow the President to succeed in her obvious design to make a mockery of processes enshrined in the fundamental law of the land, if only to retain her stranglehold on power.

We call on the members of Congress not to contribute further to the emasculation of Congress as a democratic institution and transmit forthwith the Amended Complaint to the Senate so that the truth may finally be known.  To the sovereign people, we ask you to let your Representatives know that their participation in this conspiracy to corrupt constitutional processes will certainly meet not only your ire, but also a guilty verdict from history.

Tuesday, August 30, 2005

Arangkada for August 31, 2005

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         NGANONG TAK-OM?

        Ang team leader sa Commission on Audit (COA) sa Cebu State College of Science and Technology (CSCST), Sonia L. Dejacto, ug ang iyang mga sakop gipasanginlang nagpabaya sa ilang trabaho.  Maong napakyas ang COA pagbaraw sa gikuwestiyon nga pagdawat sa mga opisyal ug mga kawani sa CSCST og dagkong honorarium gikan sa mga klase nga giingong wa nila serbisyohi.
        Nagduda pa gani ang presidente sa System Association of Faculty and Employees (SAFE) Cebu City Campus Chapter, si Dr. Godofredo A. Loremia, nga puwerteng tak-oma ang COA auditors tungod sa pabor nga ilang nadawat gikan sa kadagkoan sa CSCST pinaagi sa paghatag nila og teaching loads ug mga posisyon para sa ilang mga anak ug mga paryente.
-o0o-
        Si Dejacto niangkon nga nanawat sila og part time teaching loads gikan sa kadagkoan sa CSCST pero gihimo ni nila human na sa oras nga tingtrabaho.  Pero niinsistir siya nga legal ang ilang pagtudlo sa eskuylahan aron makakuha og dugang kita para sa nagtubo nga mga panginahanglan sa ilang mga pamilya.
        Niangkon sab si Dejacto nga ang ilang mga anak ug mga paryente gipanghatagan og mga posisyon sa CSCST.  Giklaro hinuon niya nga wa sila manghangyo nga hatagan og trabaho ang ilang mga kadugo.  Gawas pa, nidugang siya, propesyonal ang ilang mga paryente ug qualified sa ilang mga puwesto.  Gipasabot niya nga daghan pang ubang kawani sa CSCST nga mga anak sa mga ginikanan nga unang nagtrabaho sa eskuylahan.
-o0o-
        Samtang gitugotan ang COA auditors pag-praktis sa ilang propesyon human sa office hours, salikwaot tan-awon nga silang Dejacto ug kaubanan nagdawat og suholan ug mga benepisyo gikan sa CSCST nga ilang gibantayan.  May sukaranan ang pagduda ni Dr. Loremia:  Peligrong magpangikog na silang Dejacto bugti sa mga pabor nga ilang nadawat.
        Si Atty. Roy Ursal, ang regional director sa legal ug adjudication office sa COA 7, nisaad pagsusi sa bakikaw nga sitwasyon nilang Dejacto ug kaubanan.  Niangkon si Ursal nga ngil-ad tinuong tan-awon nga nagdawat og suholan ug mga benepisyo ang mga auditors gikan sa ahensiya nga ilang gi-audit.
-o0o-
        Si Loremia nangutana sa Department of Budget and Management legal bang pagamit sa Special Trust Fund pagbayad sa honoraria para sa mosunod nga mga opisyal ug mga kawani nga maoy labing dagkog nadawat isip lecturer ug teaching assistant sa mga klase nga gibuak-buak og 28 ka higayon:
·        Dr. Jose Sal Tan:  P125,000;
·        Dr. Victor Villaganas:  P107,000;
·        Dr. Rodolfo Burgos:  P100,101;
·        Panfilo Ciriaco:  P60,040;
·        Cecilia De Los Reyes:  P52,500;
·        Corazon Soco:  P45,100;
·        Hercules Allera:  P44,600;
·        Cynthia Sy:  P39,420;
·        Cecilio Baga:  P38,750; ug
·        Teresita Rojas:  P26,000.  [30]  leo_lastimosa@abs-cbn.com

Inquirer Editorial

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Editorial : Holiday politics

WHAT'S going on here? Last Friday, Press Secretary Ignacio Bunye said it was "definite": Monday would be a regular working day. MalacaƱang would not declare the day a special holiday, he said, because Republic Act 3827 specifies that National Heroes Day be observed on the last Sunday of August. He went on to explain that the situation was different from that of other holidays whose dates are fixed (such as June 12 for Independence Day). When such a holiday happens to fall on a Sunday, the following Monday has been traditionally declared as a special (non-working) holiday.

Bunye had historical precedent to support his view. The Monday after National Heroes Day had never been declared as a special holiday. Not even after President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo and her advisers came up with "holiday economics," a quaint theory that says that an extended workless weekend made possible by moving the observance of certain official holidays to the closest weekend is a boost to domestic tourism and therefore the economy.

On Saturday, however, Bunye took back his announcement. He then joined Executive Secretary Eduardo Ermita in saying that Monday would be a special holiday after all. Ermita said the President would issue a proclamation declaring Monday to be a holiday.

The proclamation was released Sunday, though it was dated Aug. 27, Saturday, and what it declared was some kind of semi-holiday. According to Proclamation No. 901, which was signed by Ermita "By authority of the President," Aug. 28 was being declared as "a special (non-working) holiday in the public sector (except the Bureau of Customs) as well as all schools, both public and private, at all levels, in commemoration of National Heroes Day." One short (awkward and ungrammatical) paragraph sought to explain the issuance of the proclamation by saying "it is fitting that this day (National Heroes Day) be given its [sic] importance especially by the public sector as well as all schools." No attempt was made to explain why only students and public servants were being given the opportunity to honor our national heroes, both known and unknown.

If anyone among those who had been given one additional day to do so spared one moment to honor the memory of our heroes, no one seems to have heard about it. In fact, the official commemoration was held on Sunday -- as scheduled -- at the Libingan ng Mga Bayani in Fort Bonifacio, with Defense Secretary Avelino Cruz and Armed Forces Chief of Staff Gen. Generoso Senga leading the rites attended by about 100 people, most of them World War II veterans.

Thus, if making Monday a limited holiday was supposed to make the commemoration of National Heroes Day more meaningful, it didn't achieve the purpose. Neither could there have been even the tiniest increase in domestic tourism, given the short notice MalacaƱang gave to potential holidaymakers. Besides how many government employees or students can afford to go on holiday tours or vacations in these hard economic times?

The fact is that after going gung-ho for holiday economics during its first two years, the administration seems to have grown cold to the idea. Since it moved the 2003 Independence Day from Thursday to Friday, it has transferred the commemoration of only one other holiday (Aug. 21, 2004) to give workers and students a three-day weekend.

But if it was not for holiday economics, what for was the extra day off given to students and government workers yesterday? How about politics? On Tuesday last week, more than a month after 42 congressmen signed the impeachment complaint against the President, five more affixed their signatures to it. Three days later, two more congressmen joined the move to impeach the President. Although one party-list representative withdrew his signature at about the same time, the group working for her impeachment had a net gain of six votes.

Was MalacaƱang perhaps worried that the impeachment move may be gaining some momentum? And did it declare a holiday to check that momentum or to have an extra day to rally its forces as the House justice committee moves closer to voting on the complaint? That possibility may seem remote to some people, but to those who have been observing closely how MalacaƱang is responding to the impeachment threat, it is not far-fetched. The President and her allies seem too willing and able to do anything and everything to save her presidency, even at the risk of demonstrating how inept, clumsy and panicky they can be.

Monday, August 29, 2005

Arangkada for August 30, 2005

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            ESKANDALO SA CSCST

 

Si Dr. Jose Sal Tan, presidente sa Cebu State College of Science and Technology (CSCST) Main Campus gipasanginlan sa mosunod nga mga anomaliya:

  • Pagdawat og P125,000 nga binuwang honorarium isip "resource lecturer" sa 28 ka subjects sa evening classes uban sa iyang paboritong mga opisyal sa eskuylahan;
  • Kapakyas pagbayad og income tax sa ilang honorarium nga mas dagko kay sa regular nga suholan;
  • Pagtilok sa kita sa CSCST para sa ilang honorarium bahala na kon way nahibiling kuwarta para sa tubig sa mga pansayan, chalk ug eraser sa classrooms ug mga ekipo sa mga laboratoryo; ug
  • Paghimo sa eskuylahan nga "diploma mill" pinaagi sa paghatag og doctoral ug masteral degrees sa mga politiko ug mga tagduma sa satellite schools bisan wa mopakita sa klase, kasagaran mas dagko pag grado kay sa tinuod nga mga tinun-an.

-o0o-

Gawas ni Tan, gipasanginlan sang nakadawat sa makabungog nga honorarium ang ubang opisyal ug mga kawani sa CSCST sama nilang Dr. Victor D. Villaganas, Dr. Rodolfo B. Burgos, Dr. Cecilia Elena P. de los Reyes, Geronimo C. Laburada Jr., Dr. Teresita T. Rojas, Atty. Maximo Jumoad, Maximo Limpiado, Corazon M. Soco, Hercules C. Allera, Flordelyn E. Escarda, Josephine Villa, Irwin P. Allego, Aquilino M. Enriquez, Segundino S. Cuadra, Menchu D. Duites, Emma C. Canete, Irma P. Cabarse, Ghierl Matario, Pio Manguilimotan, Clementino Espanol, Luz Loise S. Cuachon, Anne J. Ponce, Mark Lastimosa, Danilo S. Pasaylo ug Gil T. Piramide.

Apil sa ilang gitudloan nga 28 ka subjects mao ang Pre-Elementary, Special Education, Communication Arts Minor/Major/Cognates, Professional Education Weekdays, Master in Special Education, Bachelor of Science in Nursing, Special Education Minor/Major/ Cognates, Bachelor in Secondary Education, Elementary Teaching Strategies, Professional Education Subjects Saturdays/Sundays, Bachelor in Elementary Education Evening, Mathematics Minor/Major/Cognates, Physical Education, Health and Music, Licensure Examination for Teachers Review Classes, Associate in Industrial Technology, Associate in Engineering Technology, ug Bachelors of Industrial Engineering.

Di kay kana ra. Nagnihit na tingali sa mga ngan maong giapil na lang ang mosunod: Saturday/Sunday Program, On-The-Job Training, Requested Subjects, Special Programs ug Crash Program.

-o0o-

Si Dr. Tan dihang na-interview sa Arangkada sa DYAB Abante Bisaya naglisod nag hinumdom pila ka subjects ang iyang gitudloan. Labaw nang naglisod na pagkuwenta pila ang kinatibuk-ang honorarium nga iyang nadawat. Ang makauuwaw niyang pagpagoryo-goryo gihapinan sa pagarpar nga gisubli na ang kamakiangayon sa ilang pagdawat sa dagkong honorarium.

Niangkon si Tan nga gipasagdan niyang mga panginahanglan sa CSCST main campus tungod sa giingong plano ni kanhi Cebu City Mayor Alvin Garcia pagbalhin nila sa SRP. Dihang gipahinumdoman nga di na mayor si Garcia, si Tan nibalitok na sab ug niingon nga wa diay niya hingpit nga pasagdi ang eskuylahan. [30]  leo_lastimosa@abs-cbn.com 

Esposo's Column

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High Ground : Bro. Mike Velarde: Evangelist or Power Broker?

William Esposo wmesposo@hotmail.com
INQ7.net

During the early years of his television program, I chanced upon Bro. Mike Velarde while switching channels. That first time I saw him on television he looked to me like an amateur comic doing a spoof on evangelists – bobbing up and down the stage and barking "Hay-men! Hay-men! Hah-leh-loh-yah."

For reasons known only to God, people like Brother Mike and Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo form part of divine design, a case of God writing straight with crooked lines. By recognizing what's wrong with the picture, the flock gets a better appreciation and hence a deeper learning of what is right and good.

Witnessing regime after regime of traditional politics culminating in the present distressing rule of Macapagal-Arroyo – only served to prove to Filipinos beyond reasonable doubt that this system will never work. We have gone past the stage of trying to make the system work by seeking personalities who can do the magic trick. The fact is people are darn tired of the 'seen that, done that' routine of Philippine politics which has rendered the poor increasingly more wretched and the rich, even more entrenched.

Before Brother Mike, only the Iglesia ni Kristo (INK) showed a semblance of delivering the so-called religious vote. But the INK did not bother us that much because the INK happens to be a religious minority and because there had hardly been any instance when the INK had flagrantly abused its command vote leverage beyond the normal realm of our patronage system. We knew that the INK gets concessions for its support of winning politicians but these tradeoffs have not been known to result in anything grossly disadvantageous to the country.

But because Brother Mike is touted to be some kind of an extension of the Catholic Church, it goes without saying that serious and good thinking Catholics have all the right to raise questions about anything that seems to run counter to their core beliefs and moral foundations. Certainly, creating a political fiefdom from El Shaddai is tantamount to the offense of adoring the Golden Calf.

The Catholic faithful has all the right to ask why on earth the Church needs a Brother Mike when it has its own hierarchy that has survived centuries of challenges, from Attila the Hun all the way to the present assaults by religious extremists. I regard the Brother Mike phenomenon itself as cause for serious concern in that our Philippine Catholic Church may be compromising the very integrity and soundness of its own precepts by cooperating with one whose doctrinal foundations and real intent are questioned even by members of the priesthood. One of them is running priest Fr. Robert Reyes, SJ who said last week on GMA Network's 24 Oras that he sees Velarde as a businessman (which is an understatement for not seeing Velarde as the evangelist that he purports to be).

Four years ago, when I was still chairman of COPA, I had a discussion with Bishop Ted Bacani in the house of my dear friend Cherry Zapanta. I had then broached to him my misgivings about having Brother Mike operating freely under the wings of the Catholic Church. I frankly told Bishop Bacani that for one who had once wanted to be a Jesuit and one who continues to be serious and concerned about my faith, I saw nothing in Brother Mike that could serve the purposes of evangelization, much less provide enlightenment to the faithful. And yet, the Catholic bishops and the rest of its hierarchy had sheepishly allowed Velarde to arrogate unto himself the mission of shepherding the flock.

Velarde draws mass amusement by adopting showbiz antics and gimmickry. He found a gold mine in doing 'magic' acts which included 'casting spells' on inverted umbrellas and swaying handkerchiefs. This gimmickry cannot be expected to segue to deeper discussions of faith and morals or instill deeper spiritual values of prayerful piety that will render meaning to the words of Jesus Christ: "Whatsoever you ask the Father in my name, He shall grant it you." For the Catholic faithful, divine providence comes through the intercession of Christ or His assigns like the saints, Mary and His clergy. Divine providence, in other words, can never come from an illusionist's bag of tricks.

What Velarde does is to deliver a very long homily and adds to this his showbiz gimmicks. By giving its blessings to Brother Mike, the Philippine Catholic Church may actually be committing a grave disrespect to the principles of the Catholic faith itself. In a way, it also unwittingly demeans the true merit, works and worth of the great Catholic luminaries of our time such as Chiara Lubich of the Focolare Movement and Saint Josemaria Escriva of the Opus Dei.

Those who do manifest spiritual and healing gifts will not want to give in to the lure of money and materialism, the antithesis to spirituality. Yet Velarde has raked in millions of pesos worth of small change from millions of trusting little folks, the fruit of Velarde's labor. To this day, huge amounts are unaccounted for. Opponents of the Catholic Church have gone to town insinuating that Philippine Church leaders share in these unaccounted contributions, a sad commentary on the state of our corrupt society, indeed.

When the frustrated Jesuit in me confronted Bishop Bacani for what I consider a clear usurpation of functions rightfully vested for men of the Church, Bishop Bacani was then the assigned pastor of El Shaddai. This was another instance that projects Catholic Church official sanction for the activities of Velarde. The impeachment trial of Joseph "Erap" Estrada already started and Mike Velarde was trying to move heaven and earth to save Estrada from impending ouster.

Now, Velarde wants to broker a deal to save President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo from the same fate that befell Estrada. Estrada got the axe for plunder. Macapagal-Arroyo faces a similar ouster for allegedly stealing the 2004 elections. Outside the courts however, a wide range of other alleged crimes hound her and her closest of kin and this has made its imprint on people's minds and hearts. From her very first days in office in 2001, scandals have rocked Macapagal-Arroyo's regime one after another. In the court of public opinion, she has been impeached many times over.

So what business does Mike Velarde have brokering a deal between two such controversial figures in contemporary Philippine history? A coalition government combining two failed presidents cannot produce an improvement to the sorry state of affairs in the country. With Velarde under its wings, is the Catholic Church aware that it will be party to sealing the contract that will likely lead to our national perdition?

Estrada capitalized on the memory and illusion of his protagonist movie roles and his washed-out appearance by projecting himself as the champion of the poor (para sa mahirap). Gloria M. Arroyo exploited the prevailing miserable economic conditions (which she herself largely caused) and the relative lack of education and experience of her main contender, Fernando Poe Jr., by claiming herself to be the country's 'last, best hope'. But the curtains have been drawn and the illusion has faded for both Estrada and Arroyo. They have disgraced themselves and people want only to see the day when they will be rid of this national nightmare.

But lo and behold, along comes Mike Velarde – proposing a coalition government that will unite the two presidents who brought the country to its worst economic and moral crises. Claiming to be backed by the El Shaddai numbers, Velarde now has the nerve to invoke his right to intercede in the affairs of State. And yet the so-called command vote of El Shaddai, which Velarde claims he enjoys, has long been debunked by recent elections and borne out by scientifically-derived data.

The SWS demystified the so-called El Shaddai religious vote during the 1998 presidential elections in which Estrada won:

"That the only significant religious votes were those of Iglesia ni Kristo members, who went 81% for Erap, and Muslims, who gave him 63%." "That the charismatics who truly supported Erap were Jesus Is Lord (JIL) who gave him 52%, whereas El Shaddai only gave him 39%, the same as the national average."

In other words, Velarde's so-called El Shaddai command votes were indistinguishable from the national average, which is also the predominantly Catholic vote. In contrast, the INK, Muslims and JIL distinctly delivered Erap votes on a scale perceptibly higher than the national average. Yet Velarde continues to peddle the illusion of the mythical El Shaddai command vote as the basis for his claim to political fiefdom.

By himself Velarde delivers nothing. To claim otherwise is to expose the mark of the false prophet. The true spiritual healers know deep inside they are but instruments of Divine Love and Mercy. The true spiritual healers will never claim ownership of their powers. When people flock to worship and pray, they seek to make a connection with the Divine. Anyone who nurtures the illusion that they are the objects of worship themselves just because they happen to be on the altar saying Holy Mass or on stage delivering speeches and mouthing ritualistic clichƩs is a false prophet.

In the same light, no one delivered the mammoth crowd that met the late Pope John Paul II during his visit here on World Youth Day in the mid-1990. They came because they loved and wanted to see the charismatic Pope. His Holiness' presence delivered its own crowd.

Again, the question – why is the Philippine Catholic Church allowing this? How can a Church that stands for truth and promotes honest dealings countenance these patently political actions of one who operates under its authority? The CBCP carefully charted its position with regards the demand for Macapagal-Arroyo's resignation and ouster. And yet there is no censure for one who operates under its wings for attempting to form a coalition government between two failed presidents largely-perceived as thieves.

Is the Catholic Church afraid of losing its members who are amongst the El Shaddai flock? There would have been no El Shaddai flock had the Catholic Church not allowed Velarde to operate under its wings in the first place. Had the Catholic Church avoided any involvement with Velarde from the very start, he would be in no better plight than the smart alecky Ely Soriano of Ang Dating Daan or that other foolhardy evangelist Wilde Almeda of the Jesus Miracle Crusade who thought his group could just walk into the lair of the Abu Sayyaf 'to pray over and soften the hearts of the hostage taker'. (He and his men ended up in the holding pen with the original kidnap victims.)

Surely, the CBCP (Catholic Bishops Conference of the Philippines) is aware of the liberties and abuse done to its own authority and influence. So what is keeping the bishops quiet?

You may email William M. Esposo at: w_esposo@yahoo.com

Tiyak 'Yon

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There's The Rub : Footnote to lunacy

Conrado de Quiros dequiros@info.com.ph
Inquirer News Service

I WANTED to write about it last week, but thought there were more important things to talk about, like Rene Jarque's life and thoughts. Rene passed away the other Friday at 40, but not before helping epically to make this world better for us.

What I wanted to talk about was Mike "Tiyak 'Yon" Velarde's proposal for power-sharing between GMA (Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo) and Erap (Joseph Estrada). Well, there is one thing Velarde and GMA have in common, which is that they do not just talk to God, God talks to them. Or so they claim. The difference, Margie Holmes has pointed out some time ago: You talk to God, you're praying. God talks to you, you need help.

The last time God spoke to GMA was to tell her not to vacate the position she stole from FPJ (Fernando Poe Jr.) in particular and the people in general. That was the implication of her statement that she was put in office by God himself/herself, and nothing, not even the fact of having been caught cheating, justified prying her loose from it. That was shortly after she claimed the Pope, too, spoke to her to enjoin her to bestir herself, after everyone else had done so, to pry loose the duly elected Erap from office. By then the Pope was dead.

What can I say? This one doth hear voices in her head.

As to Velarde, I don't know why God keeps ordering him to wear brightly colored plaid coat-and-ties. It's enough to make you convert to another faith, one possessed of a God that has better sartorial taste, if not become an atheist altogether.

But frankly, I wouldn't have minded seeing GMA, Erap and Imelda on stage, linking arms, with Jose de Venecia, Fidel Ramos, Mike Defensor, Prospero Pichay and Raul Gonzalez behind them cheering them on. And, of course, Mike Velarde raising his hands over their heads, invoking God to bless their alliance. I don't know that Divine Temperance would not have been unduly taxed, enough to send a thunderbolt to the Luneta, thus delivering the country from the fate of Sodom and Gomorrah in one fell swoop. The last time Erap decided to bring God into the fray, which was by way of a prayer rally in December 2000, he lasted only less than a month. The (Wo)man upstairs has a way of answering prayers.

But having all of them on one stage, as Velarde asked for his birthday gift, would have been the perfect, if unwitting, commentary on GMA's State of the Nation Address, particularly the part where she says: "Our political system has now become a hindrance to national progress. (It has) degenerated to an extent that it has become difficult for anyone to make any headway yet keep his hands clean." Had they all been there, you'd know how profoundly accurate that statement is: Truly our political system has become a hindrance to national progress, truly it has degenerated to a point where no one can keep his hands clean. Even God is being invited to share in the loot.

I myself am convinced God made GMA a modern-day Cassandra with a twist. Cassandra was cursed to prophesy the dire fate that awaited other people but not to be believed by them. GMA is cursed to prophesy the dire fate she holds in store for the nation but not to be believed by her. Her description of the kind of political system we now have with her at the helm is matched only by her divination some years ago of the kind of nation we would have with her at the helm: "Since I'm among the principal figures in the divisive national events for the last two or three years, if I were to run, my political efforts can only result in never-ending divisiveness." We've not had a single day of peace since GMA took over Erap.

GMA, Erap and Imelda sharing a single stage would have given us a picture of the three figures representing the worst in Philippine politics, that were ousted by People Power. I myself have no doubt the same fate awaits GMA. It will happen sooner or later, though one can only wish for the sake of the children who stand to inherit a tattered land because of our foot-dragging, sooner rather than later.

Defensor says the virtue of Velarde's proposal for power sharing is that GMA will end her term next year. I don't know how many people he got to convince with that apparent piece of good news. I've always compared GMA to Marcos in terms of their mind-boggling ambition and capacity to lie, but I don't know now if I've been insulting Marcos rather than GMA all this time.

Marcos, of course, lied through his teeth, but he was a little careful not to be caught. If I recall right, one of the reasons for the First Quarter Storm of 1970 was that Edgar Jopson demanded from Marcos in a meeting in MalacaƱang that he vow he would not run again in whatever capacity after his second term expired. Marcos refused, demanding to know why he should accede to the demands of "a grocer's son." Jopson and company walked out and, before long, the activists laid siege to Mendiola Bridge.

It wasn't that Marcos didn't want to lie, it was that he feared the consequences of being caught lying. GMA doesn't fear it at all. In fact, she doesn't fear-or no longer does-the consequences of being caught cheating. Which raises the chilling thought of what else she will not fear later on. Her attitude has become: So I lied, so I cheated, what do you want to do about it? What can you do about it?

GMA will step down next year? Only Velarde will think to say, "Tiyak 'yon."

Sunday, August 28, 2005

Arangkada for August 29, 2005

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NAGKAYAMUKAT

 

       Laing ebidensiya unsa na kakatag ang administrasyon ni Presidente Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo:   Bisan ang paghukom holiday ba o dili ang Agosto 29 wa na magkadimao.

·        Niadtong Biyernes, nipahibawo si Press Secretary Ignacio Bunye nga dunay klase ug trabaho sa Agosto 29 kay ang National Heroes' Day kanunay gyong itunong sa kataposang Dominggo sa Agosto (Agosto 28 karong tuiga) maong di angayng ipatuman ang holiday economics ni Presidente Arroyo;

·        Pero pagka Sabado sa gabii, nipahibawo si Bunye nga gisugo ni Presidente Arroyo si Executive Secretary Eduardo Ermita paghimo og proklamasyon nga magdeklarar nga way klase ug way trabaho sa Agosto 29; pero

·        Pagka Dominggo sa buntag, nipahibawo na sab ang Malakanyang nga ang holiday sa Agosto 29 para ra sa mga ahensiya ra sa gobyerno ug publiko ug pribadong mga eskuylahan.

-o0o-

       Ang gipahibawo ni Bunye niadtong Biyernes, nga di holiday ang Agosto 29, maoy unang tambag nga nadawat sa presidente.   Pero tungod sa laing grupo sa mga magtatambag nga nipasidaan nga labhan ang presidente kon di niya hatagan og igong importansiya ang National Heroes' Day, nitumaw ang sukwahi nga pahibawo niadtong Sabado sa gabii, nga way klase ug way trabaho sa Agosto 29.   Dihang nikisi-kisi ang mga negosyante, labi nang labing dagko og amot sa iyang administrasyon, giusab sa presidente ang iyang desisyon sa ikatulong higayon pagka Dominggo sa buntag.

       Kon nahitabo ni sa sayon kaayong desisyon pagdeklarar og holidays, unsa na kaha sa mas lisod ug mas komplikadong mga desisyon nga kinahanglang himoon sa presidente atubangan sa seryusong pagduda sa ka-lehitimo sa iyang mandato?   Kapila na kaha isakripisyo ang nasudnong interes tungod lang sa managlahi nga mga tambag sa mga grupo ug mga indibiduwal nga di niya kabalibaran kay pulos nautangan og buot sa iyang pagpabilin sa puwesto atubangan sa sibaw nga awhag sa iyang resignasyon?

-o0o-

       Samtang kasagaran sa dagkong eskuylahan nakahukom na nga di sila mag-klase sa Agosto 29, ang mga tinun-an ug mga magtutudlo sa mga eskuylahang publiko nagpabiling naglibog.   Salamat sa dakong opisyal sa Departamento sa Edukasyon nga taguon lang nato sa ngan nga Cebu City Schools Division Superintendent Leonilo Oliva kinsa nagdumili pagtoo sa pahibawo sa Malakanyang nga school holiday ang Agosto 22 kay natunong man sa Dominggo ang sumad sa kamatayon ni kanhi senador Ninoy Aquino sa Agosto 21 kay wa siyay nadawat nga hard copy sa memorandum, bisan fax copy na lang.

       Nakadugang sa ilang kalibog mao ang memorandum ni DepEd Secretary Ramon Bacani nga dunay klase sa Agosto 29, klarong gibase sa bahaw nga desisyon niadtong Biyernes.

       Di mabasol ang presidente nga maglibog tungod sa giatubang nga labing grabeng krisis.   Pero makiangayon ba nga iduhig ang tibuok nasud sa iyang panghunahuna nga nagkayamukat?  [30]  leo_lastimosa@abs-cbn.com

Arangkada for August 29, 2005

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NAGKAYAMUKAT

 

       Laing ebidensiya unsa na kakatag ang administrasyon ni Presidente Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo:   Bisan ang paghukom holiday ba o dili ang Agosto 29 wa na magkadimao.

·        Niadtong Biyernes, nipahibawo si Press Secretary Ignacio Bunye nga dunay klase ug trabaho sa Agosto 29 kay ang National Heroes' Day kanunay gyong itunong sa kataposang Dominggo sa Agosto (Agosto 28 karong tuiga) maong di angayng ipatuman ang holiday economics ni Presidente Arroyo;

·        Pero pagka Sabado sa gabii, nipahibawo si Bunye nga gisugo ni Presidente Arroyo si Executive Secretary Eduardo Ermita paghimo og proklamasyon nga magdeklarar nga way klase ug way trabaho sa Agosto 29; pero

·        Pagka Dominggo sa buntag, nipahibawo na sab ang Malakanyang nga ang holiday sa Agosto 29 para ra sa mga ahensiya ra sa gobyerno ug publiko ug pribadong mga eskuylahan.

-o0o-

       Ang gipahibawo ni Bunye niadtong Biyernes, nga di holiday ang Agosto 29, maoy unang tambag nga nadawat sa presidente.   Pero tungod sa laing grupo sa mga magtatambag nga nipasidaan nga labhan ang presidente kon di niya hatagan og igong importansiya ang National Heroes' Day, nitumaw ang sukwahi nga pahibawo niadtong Sabado sa gabii, nga way klase ug way trabaho sa Agosto 29.   Dihang nikisi-kisi ang mga negosyante, labi nang labing dagko og amot sa iyang administrasyon, giusab sa presidente ang iyang desisyon sa ikatulong higayon pagka Dominggo sa buntag.

       Kon nahitabo ni sa sayon kaayong desisyon pagdeklarar og holidays, unsa na kaha sa mas lisod ug mas komplikadong mga desisyon nga kinahanglang himoon sa presidente atubangan sa seryusong pagduda sa ka-lehitimo sa iyang mandato?   Kapila na kaha isakripisyo ang nasudnong interes tungod lang sa managlahi nga mga tambag sa mga grupo ug mga indibiduwal nga di niya kabalibaran kay pulos nautangan og buot sa iyang pagpabilin sa puwesto atubangan sa sibaw nga awhag sa iyang resignasyon?

-o0o-

       Samtang kasagaran sa dagkong eskuylahan nakahukom na nga di sila mag-klase sa Agosto 29, ang mga tinun-an ug mga magtutudlo sa mga eskuylahang publiko nagpabiling naglibog.   Salamat sa dakong opisyal sa Departamento sa Edukasyon nga taguon lang nato sa ngan nga Cebu City Schools Division Superintendent Leonilo Oliva kinsa nagdumili pagtoo sa pahibawo sa Malakanyang nga school holiday ang Agosto 22 kay natunong man sa Dominggo ang sumad sa kamatayon ni kanhi senador Ninoy Aquino sa Agosto 21 kay wa siyay nadawat nga hard copy sa memorandum, bisan fax copy na lang.

       Nakadugang sa ilang kalibog mao ang memorandum ni DepEd Secretary Ramon Bacani nga dunay klase sa Agosto 29, klarong gibase sa bahaw nga desisyon niadtong Biyernes.

       Di mabasol ang presidente nga maglibog tungod sa giatubang nga labing grabeng krisis.   Pero makiangayon ba nga iduhig ang tibuok nasud sa iyang panghunahuna nga nagkayamukat?  [30]  leo_lastimosa@abs-cbn.com

Saturday, August 27, 2005

Arangkada for August 28, 2005

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                   SULBAD SA MALNUTRISYON

 

        Ang paglusad sa gobyerno og mga programa pakigbatok sa malnutrisyon usa ka maayong lakang.  Kay dugay na tuod nga nataligam-an kining seryusong problema.  Pero ang plano paghimo sa gobyerno nga labing dakong tigsuplay og pagkaon, sama sa noodles, ngadto sa minilyon ka mga tinun-an sa public schools ug sa mga batan-on nga wa mag-eskuyla, maoy pagbugalbugal ug di pagtabang sa mga biktima sa katalagman.

        Ang solusyon, nga giumol sa Malakanyang samtang desperadong naningkamot si Presidente Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo paghaw-as sa iyang kaugalingon gikan sa higanteng Gloriagate scandal, klarong pantalya lang.  Way kalainan sa pagdagpi og ice sa agtang sa pasyente sa way pag-atiman sa tinuod nga hinungdan sa iyang hilanat.

-o0o-

        Ang duha ka labing dagkong hinungdan sa malnutrisyon mao ang kaburong ug kakabos.  Ang kaburong o kakuwang sa saktong kasayuran maoy hinungdan nga bisan ang mga bata sa adunahang mga pamilya nahiagom sa malnutrisyon.  Di tungod sa kakuwang sa pagkaon kon dili tungod sa sayop nga pagkaon.  Nagbusdik tuod sa kabusog ang tiyan sa mga bata pero wa kahatagi sa tukmang mga putahe nga makahatag unta sa ilang gikinahanglang sustansiya.

        Ang kakabos di garantiya sa malnutrisyon.  Pero ang kaburong sa saktong klase sa pagkaon, nga di kinahanglang mahalon ug imported aron makapalig-on ug makapabaskog sa panglawas, nga angayng ihatag sa mga bata.  Ang binilyon ka pesos nga balor sa noodles nga ilawog sa mga bata sud ug gawas sa eskuylahan di makapapas sa kaburong sa mga ginikanan.

-o0o-

        Mas lisod ispilingon ang kakabos.  Ang ka-way kahinguhaan sa mga ginikanan maoy labing dakong hinungdan sa ilang kapakyas paghukad di lang sa tukmang klase kon dili sa tukmang gidaghanon sa pagkaon sa talad kan-anan sa ilang mga barungbarung.

        Bisan kada adlaw pang pagpanghatag og noodles, kuwang ra gihapong mohulip sa usa sa tulo ka ka kaonan nga gikinahanglan kaayo sa nagtubo nga mga bata.  Bisan pila pa ka tonelada ang ipabaha sa mga eskuylahan ug kabos nga mga pinuy-anan, hangtod nga di katambalan ang lapad nga kakabos ug katimawa, di maluwas sa gobyerno ang mga anghel nga nikaging na sa tibuok kinabuhi nga sentensiya sa kadaot ug kamasakiton.

-o0o-

        Malampuson ang Kapamilya Tree Planting nga gipasiugdahan sa DYAB Abante Bisaya ug ABS-CBN Cebu sa Family Park sa MCWD sa Talamban, Cebu City gahapon sa sayong buntag.  Gibanabanang kapin sa 500 ka mga kapamilya nga mga sakop sa nagkalainlaing organisasyon sayong nangmata aron pagtinabangay pagtanom sa 3,500 ka seedlings ug usa ug tunga ka ektarya nga luna nga gihawanan ug gilungagan nang daan sa MCWD.

        Ang Kapamilya Tree Planting usa sa highlights sa ika-17 nga anibersaryo sa TV Patrol Central Visayas, ang numero unong TV news program sa Sugbo ug sa tibuok Central Visayas.  [30]  leo_lastimosa@abs-cbn.com   


Friday, August 26, 2005

Arangkada for August 27, 2005

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             DUWA RA DIAY?

 
Natinuod ang pangangkon sa oposisyon nga madugangan og duha ang mga kongresista nga mopirma sa impeachment complaint batok ni Presidente Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. Ang wa matinuod hangtod karon mao ang pasiatab sa administrasyon nga dunay pito ka mga kongresista nga mobakwi sa ilang pirma. Laing wa matinuod mao ang panghambog ni House Speaker Jose de Venecia nga ang resolusyon nga nagsuporta sa presidente gipirmahan na sa labing menos 181 ka mga kongresista.

Pero kuwangan pag 31 ka pirma una maabot ang 79 nga maoy gikinahanglan aron ma-transmit ang articles of impeachment ngadto sa Senado. Ug nagkanihit nang panahon. Mahimong di na gyong kapugngan ang pagbasura sa mayoriya sa kinalig-onang impeachment complaint sa pagpadayon sa deliberasyon sa House Justice Committee sunod semana.

-o0o-

Duna hinuoy mga tilimad-on nga ang politikanhong oposisyon di ingon ana kamakaluluoy. Ang makahuloganong pahiyom sa mga lider sa oposisyon ug ang pasumbingay sa mga alyado sa administrasyon nga mahimong di na gyod kapugngan ang paglusot sa kaso nakapalig-on sa pagduda nga bisan sa gipabaha nga mga haylo ug mga suburno ang mayoriya ni Presidente Arroyo di paigo sa pagbasura sa impeachment complaint.

Pun-an pa sa managkaluha nga pahibawo sa Nacionalista Party ni Senador Manuel Villar ug Liberal Party ni Senate President Franklin Drilon, nga giluwatan dihang ang administrasyon masaligong nideklarar nga naghingutas nang impeachment complaint, nga ang kapin sa 30 nila ka mga sakop mahimong mopirma na sa sunod semana.

-o0o-

Ang pahibawo ni Villar puno sa kahulogan. Hangtod karon alyado pa silang Presidente Arroyo. Pero mas suod silang Bise Presidente Noli de Castro. Maong ang iyang pagpangunay pagpahibawo nga di niya pugngan ang iyang mga sakop nga kongresista sa pagpirma sa impeachment complaint moambas sa kasipa sa pag-awhag ni Drilon niadtong Hulyo 8 sa resignasyon ni Presidente Arroyo.

Labi na nga ang bomba ni Villar wa mag-inusara. Giunhan ni sa pahibawo nga dunay luwatang importanteng deklarasyon si de Castro sunod semana. Nga nagsunod sa kalit lang pagbalitok ni Senador Joker Arroyo, laing suod nga alyado nilang Villar ug de Castro, nga ang pakigsabot ni Presidente Arroyo kang kanhi presidente Joseph Estrada klarong pamolitika.

-o0o-

Pero sa di pa purungpurongan og pasidungog ang oposisyon ug ang bag-o nilang mga alyado, basaha ni og hilak:

  • Ang grupo ni Villar mahimong nanalipod lang sa ilang interes kay seguro man silang mawani kon magka-alyansa silang Erap ug Arroyo; samtang
  • Ang politikanhong oposisyon mahimong sayon ra untang makatigom sa 79 ka pirma pero wa tinud-a kay kon makasugod dayon ang impeachment trial, ang mga senador nay bida, mawani nang mga kongresista.

Kon ang mga politiko sa pikas ug pikas igo lang diay nagpatas-anay og tinuboan, kinsa may mopatigbabaw sa interes sa kinabag-an? [30]  leo_lastimosa@abs-cbn.com

Glo's Advice

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Arroyo should heed her own advice

Inquirer News Service

AS a participant of Edsa People Power II, I rejoiced at what I considered our people's "victory." To memorialize the events, I made a scrapbook. Recently, I went over it and came across a newspaper article dated Oct. 26, 2000, titled "Gloria says economic problem will worsen unless Erap [Joseph Estrada] resigns."

In the article, then-Vice President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo asked for Estrada's resignation due to a "crisis in confidence." She also said: "... a political problem requires a political solution… It pains me to say that the only solution is resignation." The country is now experiencing the same kind of "crisis in confidence." President Arroyo should follow her own advice. She should resign for the sake of our country. We are in a crisis primarily because of President Arroyo, not because of our system of government. Any form of government can only be as good as its leader.

In 2000, surveys said that 54 percent of respondents wanted President Estrada to resign. Today, surveys say 70 percent want President Arroyo out. Isn't that convincing enough?

Ms Arroyo gave sound advice then. She should be humble enough to accept her own prescription.

In that same article, the then-spokesman of the Lakas-CMD Party, Rep. Hernando Perez said, "…the party will use all means to have a change in leadership." Why should President Arroyo's party now criticize the opposition for doing the same?

Ms Arroyo has betrayed the trust our people gave her at Edsa II. Corruption charges, graver than those that the president she ousted was accused of, have been thrown her way. What makes Ms Arroyo more dangerous is that, in her selfish desire to cling to power, she irresponsibly encourages threats of dividing our country.

I strongly agree with Conrado de Quiros (Inquirer, 8/03/05): "… Ousting Ms Arroyo by itself won't solve all our problems, but it sure as hell, or heaven, will solve a great many of them. The fact that we had a procession of corrupt presidents doesn't make stopping a current one less imperative, it makes it more so!"

I appeal to all nationalistic Filipinos! Let us not get tired of going back to the streets to demand morality and integrity in our leadership!

ZENAIDA ALFON, 101 Cosmopolitan Tower, Valero Street, Makati City

Inquirer Editorial

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Editorial : Shenanigans

THE LATE Sen. Genaro Magsaysay once famously said, "No talk, no mistake." Party-list Rep. Eulogio Magsaysay should have heeded those words, but then he wouldn't have had his 15 minutes of fame (or notoriety). Living up (or down) to Eulogio "Amang" Rodriguez's dictum that "politics is addition," Magsaysay withdrew his support from the impeachment complaint. The opposition countered that with Representatives Robert Jaworski Jr., Robert Ace Barbers Jr., Edmund Reyes Jr., Renato Magtubo and Gilbert Remulla signing the amended complaint, it still registered a net gain of supporters.

All these gains and losses are, of course, temporary, with the political tide ebbing and flowing like waves on a seashore. Both sides are claiming that they're on the verge of tactical victory, with Speaker Jose de Venecia saying Magsaysay will be followed by others, and the opposition suggesting that others, like the Nacionalista Party members, are preparing to throw their support behind them.

The saying that the impeachment battle in the House is a "numbers game" has been repeated like a mantra by both sides. However, the side that really has the numbers is the majority, and small defections aside, it is managing to hold.

Magsaysay, in his previous incarnation as a supporter of impeachment, denounced efforts to bribe him into withdrawing his support. Now it turns out that all he needed to withdraw that support (according to him, at least) was to read the complaint and consult his lawyers. Still other lawmakers have made similar allegations of attempted bribery. But even without resorting to actual bribes, President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo and her people have been widely mentioned as phoning congressmen to ensure their continued support.

Given the widely discussed speculation that MalacaƱang wants to kill the impeachment before the President departs for Saudi Arabia and New York City, could it be that the administration is becoming more frantic or reckless, or both? Or are congressmen simply holding out for more? Columnist Dong Puno related, with barely feigned contempt, that one pro-administration congressman had inquired about pork-barrel funds because, if he didn't get any, he just might support impeachment after all. Magsaysay, in announcing his about-face, denounced suggestions he did so due to some trade-offs. But he should look at his colleagues to realize why such suspicions gain ground.

Does impeachment's nature as a "numbers game" justify the administration's moving heaven and earth (and allegedly a whole lot of cash, according to the opposition), and the opposition, in turn, attempting to make up for its numerical weakness by milking its every media appearance for all it's worth?

Both sides seem to recognize no limit, either ethically or tactically, to their actions in furtherance of their ultimate goals. What the administration, for example, loves to dismiss as merely a "Manila problem" has leaked into the province of Cavite, where the Remullas are attempting to restore the dominance over provincial politics established by their father. Whether or not there is truth to the suspicion that the suspension of Gov. Ireneo Maliksi has been influenced by the impeachment proceedings, the Remullas in the House have evenly divided its votes between avowedly pro-impeachment Gilbert and (so far) non-committal and possibly anti-impeachment Crispin. Maliksi's suspension obviously benefits their bother John-Vic who gets to sit as governor.

By all accounts, Cavite is opposition country, but as it stands, the Remulla brothers in the House have cleverly leveraged their votes in temporarily assisting the opposition (with Gilbert's signing on), while holding Crispin's vote in reserve. If Maliksi gains the upper hand, Crispin can add his vote to the opposition. If John-Vic succeeds, then the Remullas can point to Gilbert's "conscience vote," while Crispin votes with the administration and spites, in the process, their province mate, oppositionist Sen. Panfilo Lacson.

The spread of the political turmoil to Cavite indicates just how pervasive the question of impeachment is. It also shows the intensity of lobbying on the local level. In basketball, to use up time to the advantage of a team that's ahead, there's the tactic of pointlessly dribbling the ball. The question is whether it's the House majority doing the dribbling.