Divide & Rule?

Divide and Decide
By Gemma B. Bagayaua
Newsbreak Staff Writer

BETWEEN the impeachment complaint against President Arroyo filed in the House of Representatives and the proposed truth commission, which is the way to go? Or should both proceed on parallel tracks?

There are "pitfalls" in having both a truth commission and an impeachment process operating at the same time, says Christian Monsod, former chairman of the Commission on Elections (Comelec). He believes that the truth commission should precede the impeachment process because witnesses might prefer to testify before the impeachment court. Congress and other relevant bodies can then agree to "adopt" the findings of the commission.

One potential problem is that witnesses to be called by the truth commission can cite the case of Juan Ponce Enrile, who was asked to testify by the Davide Commission on his alleged involvement in the 1989 coup attempt. He invoked his right to remain silent because a case had already been filed against him in court. His position was later upheld by the Supreme Court.

There's also a problem with timing. If the House agrees to allow the truth commission to do its investigations before the impeachment complaint is taken up, the House may not be able to meet the time limits set in the Constitution. The Speaker has to include the complaint in the order of business within 10 session days after filing and refer it to the justice committee within three session days. The justice committee is supposed to submit its report to the House within 60 session days from referral. Finally, the report has to be calendared for consideration by the House within 10 session days.

The truth commission may not be able to come up with its findings in time for the House to meet these deadlines.

Moreover, the truth commission is inherently weak, and there are doubts about its nature, even its legitimacy. Who will create it and appoint its members? What powers will it have? What if the findings of the commission contradict those of the impeachment court? And given the high level of distrust in the President, will the findings of the commission clearing the President of any wrongdoing be acceptable to the public?

According to a statement from the Bishop Businessmen's Conference (BBC), a vocal proponent of a truth commission, the body is supposed to:

• Investigate whether allegations, based on wiretapped conversations, that the President took advantage of her office to alter the results of the last presidential election are true or not.

• Look into whether there was systematic fraud committed by election officials, who took part in it, and how the fraud was committed, and to recommend actions to prevent its recurrence.

• Clear those whose names and reputations were unfairly put into question.

• Determine who authorized and executed the alleged wiretaps, and their motives for wiretapping and releasing the recorded conversations.

The President has agreed to the proposed truth commission, which she initially dismissed when presented by civil society groups. NEWSBREAK learned that she had hoped to preempt calls for a truth commission by publicly apologizing for speaking to a Comelec official.

But the President's move has been questioned by the opposition, and now, also by some of her allies. Administration lawmaker Constantino Jaraula, in an interview on ANC, said the President does not have coercive powers and thus cannot delegate powers to the commission. The Davide Commission, which investigated the 1989 coup attempt, was created by a presidential administrative order, but its existence was later affirmed by congressional act.

Malacañang proposes to create the truth commission through an administrative order. At the forum organized by the BBC, Monsod said that a commission formed in this manner would be beholden to the President. "A creation of an administrative order cannot be independent," he pointed out.

Constitutionalist Joaquin Bernas said the commission is unconstitutional because it undermines the impeachment powers of Congress and the power of the Presidential Electoral Tribunal (PET) to make a final decision as to who won the presidential elections.

In the same forum, Ricardo Saludo, secretary to the Cabinet, said the current thinking in the executive department is that the commission would engage in fact-finding and would not encroach on the "fault-finding powers" of other bodies like the Comelec, Congress, the justice department or the military tribunals. Its output will be purely recommendatory, he said.

It took the Davide Commission eight months to conclude its investigations. Over a decade after it completed its task, many of the reforms it recommended have yet to be carried out.

Truth commissions are often resorted to if there is legal impossibility of criminal prosecution, says international law professor Harry Roque. For instance, this is being considered in relation to investigating what happened to those who were killed or tortured under the Marcos regime. Since it is now legally impossible to go after the dead dictator, the least that can be done is to provide for mechanisms that would allow the families of the victims to find closure by tracing and recovering the remains of their loved ones.

Arangkada for August 5, 2005

 

             BANGIS NGA BUDHI

 

Gawas sa iyang pagpirma sa impeachment complaint batok ni Presidente Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, si Kongresista Clavel Asas-Martinez sa ikaupat nga distrito sa Sugbo, ang usa sa labing suod sa presidente nga naningkamot na karon pagpalagpot niya sa puwesto, aktibong nitabang pagpalig-on sa mga saksi ug mga ebidensiya sa prosekusyon pangandam sa pormal nang pagsugod sa imbestigasyon sa House Committee on Justice sunod semana.

Si Martinez maoy usa sa nagsusi unsa kamapuslanon ang makapakugang nga testimoniya ug mga dokumento ni Michael Angelo Zuce, ang pag-umangkon ni kanhi Comelec Commissioner Virgilio Garcillano ug kanhi kawani sa Malakanyang, sa giingong pagsaksi ni Presidente Arroyo sa paghatag og payola sa jueteng ngadto sa mga opisyal sa Comelec aron pagtikas sa eleksiyon sa niaging tuig.

Iyang rekomendasyon? Ang kalig-on sa mga ebidensiya ni Zuce makapalig-on sa kaso batok sa presidente bisan kon ang saksi mismo nahilambigit sa lapad nga maniobra pagseguro sa kadaogan sa presidente.

-o0o-

Ang mga nasuhito sa kasuod nilang Martinez ug Presidente Arroyo maglisod pagtoo nga si Martinez maoy usa sa mangu sa prosekusyon pagpalagpot sa presidente. Wa modiretso og layat si Martinez ngadto sa oposisyon. Inanay ang pagkausab sa iyang pagtan-aw sa presidente. Pero dihang nakahukom na pagbiya sa administrasyon, wa nang kapugong si Presidente Arroyo bisan kapila pa gipatawag si Martinez sa Malakanyang.

Kasaligan nakong tinubdan niinsistir nga maliso pay buko sa kawayan kay sa baruganan sa mga Martinez pakigbatok nang Presidente Arroyo. Kay may sukaranan si Kongresista Martinez nga makumbinser nga gibukobuko siya sa presidente.

Bisan tuod wa maapil sa Garci tapes giunsa pagmaniobra ang iskutenyo sa Sugbo, parang Martinez ang nabistong direktang koneksiyon sa iyang mortal nga kaaway nga si Gobernador Gwen Garcia ngadtong Garcillano, tungod sa na-wiretap nga tawag sa wa mailhing lalaki nga ni-apura ni Garcillano pagproklamar ni Garcia bugti sa ila nang "gikasabotan" ug sa bisan unsang dugang pang pangayuon sa gidudahang eksperto sa dagdag-bawas "for the boys," maoy di malalis nga pruyba nga nagkatakdo ang hakog nga mga interes nilang Arroyo ug Garcia pagpanikas.

-o0o-

Samang tinubdan nipahibawo nako nga sa wa pang eleksiyon sa niaging tuig, nagduda nang grupo sa mga Martinez nga di tumanon ang pasalig ni Presidente Arroyo nga wa siyay paboran sa tanang lokal nga kandidato sa Probinsiya sa Sugbo nga pulos nisuporta niya. Mayoriya sa ilang mga dumadapig niawhag nila pagtakli sa ilang suporta ngadtong Fernando Poe Jr.

Pero si Kongresista Martinez niinsistir naga magpabilin silang Arroyo. Maong pagkabisto sa Garci tapes, wa kalikayi ang pagbasol sa iyang kaugalingon. Labi nang kon didto pa silang FPJ, duna unta silay kopya sa certificates of canvass ug nababagan unta ang bisan unsang maniobra pagtikas sa iyang banang kandidato pagka gobernador nga si Celestino Martinez Jr. [30]   leo_lastimosa@abs-cbn.com

Newsbreak Ed Threatened

Posted by Alecks Pabico 
PCIJ

WE give way to this appeal from a colleague, Marites Vitug, editor-in-chief of Newsbreak, and similarly express our concern for the safety of Glenda Gloria, its managing editor.

Newsbreak Bares Threat

We would like to make public an incident that, we believe, is meant to scare one of our staff members at Newsbreak. While we know that threats come with our job we do not take this lightly.

By letting the public know of this incident, we hope to get the best protection for Ms. Gloria and Newsbreak.

Last night (August 2), at around 8:30 p.m., a wreath meant for the dead was delivered to the family residence of our managing editor, Glenda M. Gloria, in Quezon City. On the ribbon was written, "Condolence from your loving friends." The delivery boy was instructed to give the flowers to Glenda Gloria and that she would know where the deceased is.

Ms. Gloria spoke to the delivery boy and he said that a man in a black car, around 30 years old, bought the wreath from their small flower shop on Araneta Avenue. The man said that he was an employee of the company where Ms. Gloria worked and he gave his address as "Metro Manila." He instructed the delivery boy to go to two addresses: one is Ms. Gloria's old address which is on her Smart cell phone bill and the other is her family address. The man told the delivery boy that it was a rush job and paid P1,000 for the wreath.

The man also gave specific instructions to the delivery boy that if Ms. Gloria were not in the first address, "where she rents," he should proceed to the second address.

Ms. Gloria's recent stories in Newsbreak have to do with the military. In our July 4, 2005 issue, she wrote on the Intelligence Service of the Armed Forces as the "number one suspect" in the wiretap scandal. In our latest issue (August 15, 2005), she wrote on the alleged participation of some officers in the 2004 election fraud in the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao.

As managing editor, she also supervises and coordinates reporting of stories.

Marites Danguilan Vitug
Editor in Chief
Tel 687-5523/25
Fax 687-5528
E-mail: marites@newsbreak.com.ph

Arangkada for August 4, 2005

 

NAANGIN TANAN

 

Usa sa labing dakong kalibogan sa atong panahon: Sa usa ka bahin, nitibugsok ang popularidad ni Presidente Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo ngadto sa 19%, nga maoy labing ubos sukad sa pagsugod sa surveys sa popularity ratings sa mga presidente niadtong 1984, duha ka tuig sa wa pa mapukan ang diktadura ni kanhi presidente Ferdinand Marcos; pero sa pikas bahin, ang mga kongresista nga nipirma sa impeachment complaint wa kaabot og 79, o 1/3 sa mga sakop sa House of Representatives, nga maoy gikinahanglan aron kasugdan sa labing daling panahon ang impeachment trial batok ni Presidente Arroyo sa Senado.

Duha ray posibleng katin-awan:

• Una, sayop ang surveys suma sa pasangil sa Malakanyang, nga lisod toohan kay managsama ang findings sa tanang ligdong nga research organizations, di lang sa lokal nga SWS ug Pulse Asia kon dili apil nang kalibotanong survey groups nga gikuha sa CNN, Time Magazine ug ubang langyawng media organizations; o
• Ikaduha, nga maoy mas katoohan, gipalabi sa mga kongresista ang ilang pamolitika kay sa pagpatigbabaw sa sentimento sa mga botante sa ilang mga distrito.

-o0o-

Sa labing uwahing survey sa Pulse Asia Inc., nga gihimo niadtong Hulyo 2-14 sa tibuok nasud, nitidlom sang popularidad nilang Bise Presidente Noli de Castro (44%), Senate President Franklin Drilon (39%), House Speaker Jose de Venecia (31%) ug Supreme Court Chief Justice Hilario Davide Jr. (31%).

Ang pagtibugsok ni de Castro gibasol sa iyang pagdupa ni Presidente Arroyo, kang Drilon tungod sa giisip nga oportunistang pagtalikod sa presidente, kang de Venecia tungod sa pagpahimus sa krisis pinaagi sa pagduso sa Cha-Cha, ug kang Davide tungod kay igo lang nangiyugpos atubangan sa higanteng eskandalo.

Sa kinatibuk-an, ni-us-os ang pagsalig sa katawhan sa gobyerno tungod sa krisis sa politika ug ekonomiya nga nihakop sa nasud. Pero si Presidente Arroyo maoy di katug nga maghayang. Kon ang imong approval rating mas ubos pa kay sa diktador nga niulipon sa nasud sud sa 14 ka tuig, duna kay seryusong problema.

-o0o-

Tungod sa nagkapuliki nga paningkamot sa mga torotot ni Presidente Arroyo pagsagang sa makalilisang nga testimoniya sa pag-umangkon ni kanhi Comelec Commissioner Virgilio Garcillano ug kanhi kawani sa Malakanyang, makalibog ang ilang sumbalik ni Michael Angelo Zuce:

• Sa usa ka bahin, nipresentar sila og mga saksi nga nipintal ni Zuce nga gawas nga mayukmok rang kawani sa Palasyo daghan pa gyod og utang ug atraso maong di katoohan ang pangangkon nga siyay gitugyanan sa importanteng tahas sa pagtapok ug pagsuburno sa mga opisyal sa Comelec;
• Pero sa pikas bahin, nipresentar sab silag mga saksi nga nipasangil ni Zuce sa pagpangolekta og minilyon ka pesos aron pagsurikbot sa mga protesta sa eleksiyon, tahas nga di mahimo kon tinuod pa siyang mayukmok. [30]   leo_lastimosa@abs-cbn.com

Grim Outlook

Posted by Alecks Pabico 
PCIJ

PESSIMISM is now the prevailing mood among business executives as the country has slipped into a prolonged political crisis that has already taken its toll on the economy. Results of the recent Executive Outlook Survey conducted by the Makati Business Club among its members find the business optimism in the economy at the start of the year now being replaced with gloom despite the government's improved fiscal condition in the first half of the year.

Majority of the executives surveyed feel that there will be a lower GDP growth this year, a sharp downturn in business optimism compared to January 2005 when the survey was last taken. They also expect higher  inflation (compared to last year's 6.0% rate) and interest (compared to last year's 7.34% level for 91-day T-bills) rates.

More than two-thirds of the respondents likewise expect the peso to depreciate against the dollar by about 5 percent in the next six months.  A little over half of senior business executives also now see investments in 2005 falling below last year's P221.8 billion in investment approvals.

In terms of issues and developments, political concerns now outweigh economic ones as 61 percent of  business leaders consider the credibility and effectiveness of the Presidency a key issue that must be addressed.

The survey also focused on government performance, with 17 agencies, institutions and basic services receiving positive net scores for their performance in the last six months. Eighteen, however, got negative net scores. Interestingly, most of the agencies in the top list were those headed by some of the resigned Cabinet officials tagged as the " Hyatt 10." The top performing agencies are:

1. Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (80.8%) under Gov. Rafael Buenaventura (now retired)
2. Department of Finance (61.7%) under Sec. Cesar Purisima
3. Department of Trade and Industry (58.5%) under Sec. Juan Santos
4. Department of Budget and Management (53.2%) under Sec. Emilia Boncodin
5. Bureau of Internal Revenue (43.7%) under Commissioner Guillermo Parayno

Meanwhile, the worst performing government agencies in the last six months are the following:

1. House of Representatives (-82.9%)
2. Senate (-79.8%)
3. Commission on Elections (-78.7%)
4. Department of Public Works and Highways (-67.0%)
5. Department of Justice (-57.5%)

Done from July 1 to 29, the MBC survey had 94 respondents or close to 13 percent of the club's membership. A little over 70 percent of respondents belong to top management positions while close to 77 percent are Filipinos.

De Quiros' Column

There's The Rub : Evangelizing

Conrado de Quiros dequiros@info.com.ph
Inquirer News Service

THERE'S this joke about an old man who says, "I do not smoke, I do not drink, I do not stay up late, I do not go to dingy clubs with loud music, and I do not carouse with women. That is why I can now celebrate my 85th birthday."

His friend asks him, "How?"

I remembered that joke when I read about Archbishop Gaudencio Rosales saying that though he is not a great fan of Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, he doesn't think getting rid of her will do any good. "Is she the only corrupt president in this country?" he asks. Ferdinand Marcos was corrupt and the presidents who succeeded him -- Cory Aquino, Fidel Ramos and Joseph Estrada -- were corrupt as well. Ms Arroyo is merely steeped in that tradition. Removing her won't solve anything.

"I want to evangelize people.... I want to change people's mentalities and give them a real orientation in life."

Same question: How?

I agree entirely with Rosales' premises, but I disagree entirely with his conclusions. It's true, we've had a procession of corrupt presidents over the last decades. It's true, Marcos was a humongous thief and the memory of his crimes is fading. It's true, ousting Ms Arroyo by itself won't solve all our problems.

None of that means we shouldn't oust President Arroyo. Ousting her won't solve all our problems, but it sure as hell, or heaven, will solve a great many of them.

The fact that we've had a procession of corrupt presidents doesn't make stopping a current one less imperative, it makes it more so. If I recall my religion classes right, the point is to confront evil at every turn, not to run away from it at every turn. Or worse, to see the uselessness of confronting it in the here and now because evil teems anyway in the there and thereafter. You push Rosales' argument further, it is useless to protest George W. Bush's occupation of Iraq because conquistadors have filled the earth since time immemorial, the Attila the Huns of this earth will always be there, it is a product of original sin. So what do we do, gnash our teeth and tear out our hair well before we end up in hell?

The argument is not unlike the one Ms Arroyo paraded at the State of the Nation Address, which is that our "trapo" [traditional politics] political culture is the root of all our evil. True, but some people contribute to it more than others, she most of all. You remove her and you hew down the roots of trapo politics. Or take very huge swings at it with the ax.

While at that, if we've had a procession of corrupt presidents for decades now, it is no small thanks to the Church, specifically to the kind of attitude Rosales sports. For some reason, the bishops discover the practical demands of the here and now when it comes to corrupt presidents they do not like but discover the irresolvable dilemma of evil throughout the ages when it comes to corrupt presidents they like. Jaime Cardinal Sin was like that -- his morality was selective. He rose to heroic eloquence when faced with the corruption of Marcos and Estrada, plucking out the moral imperative from the political retrogression, but lapsed to bovine contentment when faced with the corruption of Cory and Ms Arroyo, taking in the survival of the fittest in moral evolution. What did Sin and Jose Concepcion, chairman of the election watchdog Namfrel, like to quote? All it takes for evil to triumph is for good men to do nothing. They were never more right -- about themselves.

True enough, we may not forget about the sins of the past, notably Marcos'. But if this country forgets the sins of the past, it is also because its moral guardians refuse to see the sins of the present, and protest them. I've always said that what rehabilitated the Marcoses was not so much the policy of reconciliation that Cory took but the practice of thieving the Kamaganak Inc. [Relatives Inc.] took. The same is true of recent times: What has rehabilitated Estrada is not the failure of the courts to prove him guilty, it is the person who succeeded him proving more crooked than he was. Current sins always drown out past ones. No, more than that, they blot out past ones in the eyes of a jaded people. You do not protest what is happening before you, you make people forget what has gone before.

I've always thought that there was a corollary to Jose Rizal's famous aphorism that says, "Ang hindi marunong lumingon sa pinanggalingan, hindi makakarating sa pinaroroonan." That is: "Ang hindi marunong tumingin sa kasalukuyan ay hindi makikita ang nakaraan." It's not just that those who can't see the past won't see the future. It's also that those who can't see the present won't see the past. Those things are as intricately woven as threads in fine cloth.

There is corruption and there is corruption, just as there is sin and there is sin, cardinal or not. Some sins are worse than others and demand from us as members of the human race, never mind as part of the Christian fold, that we stop them. Bush's occupation of Iraq is one of them. Ms Arroyo's occupation of Malacañang is another. It is one thing to rob this country of its taxes, it is another to rob it of its votes. It is one thing to rob the country of its riches, it is another to rob it of its will. It is one thing to rob this country of its body, it is another to rob it of its soul.

Lest we forget, Ms Arroyo is not just accused of corruption, though heaven knows the fact alone that she brought back the very thing we ousted a popularly elected president for, which is the illegal lottery "jueteng," which brought her to Malacañang, is reason alone to evict her. But more than that, she is accused of corrupting the electoral process through the grace of Garci. To dismiss that because corruption is endemic to the presidency, s--t happens, Adam bit the apple (that guy was the original evader of responsibility, he blamed Eve for tempting him), what kind of message will you spread with that? You want to change people's mentalities and give them a real orientation in life?

Same question: How?

Arangkada for August 3, 2005

 

DI INGON NATO

 

Samtang nagkadugay ug nagkainit ang eskandalo sa pakig-istorya ni Presidente Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo ni kanhi Comelec Commissioner Virgilio Garcillano pinaagi sa telepono aron pagmaniobra sa resulta sa eleksiyon sa Mindanao sa Mayo sa niaging tuig, nagkadako ang akong pagtoo nga dunay puwersa nga di ingon nato nga naglihok aron pagpalagpot ni Presidente Arroyo sa katungdanan.

Kay unsa may laing katin-awan sa mosunod nga kahibulongan nga mga panghitabo:

• Ang pagtumaw sa tape recording usa ka tuig human sa eleksiyon nga, bisag uwahi na, bisag nakuha sa ilegal nga paagi ug bisag gikatahong gipanguwarta ni T/Sgt. Vidal Doble sa ISAFP, nakapahibawo sa publiko sa labing unang higayon giunsa pagmaniobra ang resulta sa eleksiyon sa labing taas nga ang-ang sa gobyerno ginamit ang kahimanan sa Malakanyang, Comelec, militar, kapolisan ug ubang ahensiya;

-o0o-

• Pagkabisto sa pipila ka bahin sa Garci tapes nga nagpakita nga gawas sa iyang labing dakong krimen pagbudhi sa nasud, gibukobuko sab sa presidente hastang iyang suod nga politikanhong mga alyado, nga nakapasuko sa labing menos duha nila: Si Kongresista Clavel Asas-Martinez sa Sugbo nga nipirma na sa impeachment complaint ug kanhi gobernador Faustino Dy Jr. sa Isabela nga gikatakdang mobarug sa pasangil nga gisaksihan sa presidente sud sa iyang bay sa La Vista, Quezon City ang pagsuburno sa mga opisyal sa Comelec ginamit ang payola sa jueteng;
• Pagtumaw nilang Sandra Cam ug ubang saksi nga bisan sa ilang pagkagumon sa jueteng ug ubang ilegal nga kalihokan nakahimo pa gyod paglambigit sa bana, anak ug bayaw sa presidente sa higanteng raket sa ilegal nga sugal;

-o0o-

• Pagpakita ni Michael Angelo Zuce, kawani sa Malakanyang ug pag-umangkon ni Garcillano, kinsa lahi ni Cam, nakahikyad og mga dokumento gawas sa iyang testimoniya pagdason sa pagduda nga ang payola sa jueteng maoy gigamit ni Presidente Arroyo pagsurikbot sa eleksiyon ug pagkawat sa mandato sa mga botante; ug
• Ang way kinutobang palpak sa Malakanyang—gikan sa pamakak ni Press Secretary Ignacio Bunye ngadto sa peke nga pagpangayo og pasaylo sa presidente nga niresulta sa resignasyon sa iyang labing sinaligang mga sakop sa gabinete. [30]   leo_lastimosa@abs-cbn.com

Arangkada for August 2, 2005

 

             PREMYO SA LANGAY

 

Masuk-anong nireklamo si Presidente Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo nga nidangop ang oposisyon sa media sa pagpresentar sa ilang mga saksi seryusong pasangil nga iyang gitikas ang niaging eleksiyon uban sa pakigkonsabo ni kanhi Comelec Commissioner Virgilio Garcillano ubang opisyal sa Comelec ug sa mga heneral ug ubang opisyal sa militar ug kapolisan. Sa makausa pa, ug aron pagpalambo sa iyang kampanya pag-usab sa konstitusyon, gibasol ni Presidente Arroyo ang sistema sa politika nga nagtugot sa iyang mga kaatbang pagpresentar sa ilang mga saksi sa media sa way pagpaabot nga makapanalipod siya sa iyang kaugalingon.

Angayng pakalmahon ang presidente kay di monopoliya sa oposisyon ang kamahiligon nga mogamit sa media, siya mismo ganahan kaayong mopresentar sa media sa dinakpang suspitsadong mga kriminal bisan wa pa sila kapasakai og kaso sa korte, kausa gani nasayop siya pagpresentar sa nagbisto sa anomaliya nga mao ang suspek. Ug aron makaamgo nga ang Cha-Cha di maoy sulbad sa tanang problema, angayng pahinumdoman ang presidente nga federal-parliamentary nga gobyerno di garantiya batok sa iresponsableng mga pasangil.

-o0o-

Pero sa di pa hingpit nga moulbo ang kaspa sa presidente, maayo tingaling susihon nganong napugos ang oposisyon pagpatawag og press conferences aron pagpresentar sa ilang mga saksi, inay magpaabot sa impeachment process sa Kongreso. Ang mga alyado ra sab sa presidente, nga klarong igo ra sang nagtuman sa sugo sa Malakanyang, ang nagkonsabo pagamit sa makabungog nilang mayoriya aron pagbabag sa pagsugod sa proseso.

Kon matinud-anon si Presidente Arroyo sa iyang saad pagpanalipod sa iyang kaugalingon pinaagi sa impeachment, angayng bakwion niya ang script nga gisunod sa iyang paboritong mga itoy sa Kongreso ug pasagdan na lang ang oposisyon nga makasugod pagpresentar sa ilang mga saksi ug mga dokumento atubangan sa House Justice Committee. O mas maayo nga hunungon nang kinamangay aron gawasnon nang mga kongresista nga mopirma sa impeachment complaint ug kasugdan sa labing daling panahon sa impeachment trial sa Senado.

-o0o-

Sa kasamtangan, si Presidente Arroyo di kapugong ni House Minority Floor Leader Francis Escudero pagkabayo sa testimoniya ni Michael Angelo Zoce, nga nagpailang sinaligan ni Lakas Executive Director Joey Rufino, nga nakakita siya sa pagsuburno sa mga opisyal sa Comelec ginamit ang payola sa jueteng sud sa bay ug sinaksihan ni Presidente Arroyo. Labaw nang di siya kapugong ni Escudero nga duna silay laing lima ka saksi nga mopalig-on sa pasangil ni Zoce, puno sa taas na kaayong listahan sa ilang mga saksi.

Pero di inutil ang presidente batok sa sibaw nga mga pasangil sa oposisyon nga gipaagi sa media. Daghan siyang nabayran nga mga sakop sa media ug mga gobernador, mga mayor ug ubang lokal nga mga opisyal. Ug panahon nang maningil siya sa ilang bugti nga serbisyo. [30]  leo_lastimosa@abs-cbn.com

De Quiros' Column

There's The Rub : I refuse

Conrado de Quiros dequiros@info.com.ph
Inquirer News Service

OVER THE PAST couple of weeks, I've heard a lament from several groups of people, representative of the eight out of 10 Filipinos who want Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo (GMA) out of Malacañang. The tack of embarrassing the President sufficiently to make her resign, they say, hasn't worked. You cannot appeal to the conscience of someone who has no conscience. You cannot shame someone who is shameless. You cannot beg someone, who can hear only the roar of her driving ambition, to hear the cry of a wounded country.

The usurper in Malacañang, they say, isn't going to leave it without being physically forced to. She will drag the country down in flames before she packs up her bags hurriedly and flies to her version of Paoay or Hawaii. Unfortunately, the groups lament even more, people do not seem to want to take to the streets anymore to mount another People Power. Where does that leave us?

Well, first off, I don't know that Filipinos are loath to mount another People Power anymore. From where I stand, I see that Filipinos are loath only to produce another GMA with People Power. Supremely ironically, in a country that has more ironies than karaokes, GMA's greatest weakness is also her greatest strength. People balk at taking to the streets to remove her for fear of producing someone like her. One is tempted to add, "or worse than her," but that concept strains the imagination.

That doesn't mean Filipinos no longer want an Edsa, it only means Filipinos no longer want the same Edsa. They want a different Edsa, one that makes things better. I am not discounting the possibility of people taking to the streets again in the next few months to oust a tyranny. Aug. 21 and Sept. 21 are flash point dates, the first recalling the murder of Ninoy Aquino in 1983 and the bombing of Plaza Miranda in 1971, the second marking the anniversary of martial law in 1972. All are testaments to the ruthlessness of those who crave power so badly they will cling to it at all costs.

Quite apart from that, there is GMA herself whose more frequent public appearances are bound to do what the exhortations of her enemies have so far failed to-stoke the public to uncontrollable fury. She asserts more things like she was the victim rather than the beneficiary of cheating, and she will single-handedly spark People Power-against her. If I recall right, during the twilight days of martial law, customers in pubs improved their aim in darts by putting a picture of Marcos in the center of the dartboards.

But quite apart from this, we do not entirely lack for other weapons to force the squatter in Malacañang to go. There is always civil disobedience, and I for one am hereby proclaiming I am embarking on it. My principle is simple and basic: An illegitimate president refuses to give up the powers of the President of the Philippines, I refuse to observe my duties as a citizen of the Philippines.

My reason for this is just as simple and basic. GMA is not the President of this country because she cheated in the elections. It does not matter whether she "actually won" or not, the fact of cheating voids any claim to the presidency. You catch a student cheating in the final exams, you do not ask whether he could have passed anyway even without cheating, you expel him. GMA herself has admitted to being the voice on the tape. That is the one thing she may not escape. Talking to Garcillano is cheating. Plotting to pad votes is cheating. Prescribing your own (non-) punishment for cheating is cheating. People who cheat do not go to Malacañang, they go to Muntinlupa.

She and her Cabinet may go on to talk about reforming the country, she and Tabako may go on to talk about Charter change, she and her allies (including those in media) may go on to talk about her "actually winning," Hello Garci aside, but none of it will change the incontrovertible fact that she lied, cheated and stole, and is therefore not the President of this country. To paraphrase Clinton's famous slogan against Bush the Elder: It's not the economy, stupid. It's you.

In the past, I've always declared that I might not like the president we had, but I was obliged to serve him by the fact that he was voted by the people. I say now that I do not like the person we have in Malacañang and I am moreover not obliged to serve her by the fact that she was not voted by the people. I refuse to be conscripted into military service, or allow my kids to be so, on the strength of her declarations of war. I refuse to owe allegiance to her or her Cabinet and render public service if they call upon me to do so.

Most of all, I refuse to pay my taxes.

Of course, my taxes are automatically deducted from me, a situation I protest most vigorously at this time. I'm being squeezed at both ends, by high prices below and more taxes above. The latter I was apprised of only recently by Inquirer Accounting. It is infuriating having hard-earned money seized from you particularly with the thought of Mike Arroyo flying around in gleeful exile. But if I get additional income, I will refuse to declare it, though heaven knows sidelines are harder to find than truth these days: You know honest work throw it my way. If I inherit a fortune from a long-lost uncle in China, I will refuse to divulge it. I will refuse to have even my patience taxed any longer.

I do not mind being arrested for this, if only to demonstrate one thing. Which is the difference between how this government treats citizens who openly defy this country's tax laws for the most moral reasons, and presidential candidates who grossly violate this country's electoral laws for the most venal ones.

A government that persists in ruling without the mandate of heaven or earth, or both, is a tyranny. I have only one thing to say to it:

I refuse.

Arangkada for August 1, 2005

 

                CHAVIT O UDONG?

 

        Unsay sunod himoon ni kanhi gobernador Faustino Dy Jr. sa Isabela?   Mahimong laing Chavit Singson?  O sundon ang pagkakak ni Udong Mahusay.  Si Singson, nga karon nahibalik pagka gobernador sa Ilocos Sur. Maisugong nibarug pagbisto sa giingong pagdawat ni kanhi presidente Joseph Estrada sa minilyon ka pesos nga payola sa jueteng.  Samtang si Mahusay mao ang saksi sa Jose Pidal expose ni Senador Panfilo Lacson nga nibakwi sa iyang testimoniya human "giluwas" sa mga sakop sa Presidential Security Group nga gipangulohan ni Environment Secretary Mike Defensor.

        Si Dy gikatahong nakasaksi sa paghatag og tag P2 milyones gikan sa payola sa jueteng ngadto sa kada opisyal sa Comelec nga gitapok sa pinuy-anan ni Presidente Gloria Macapagal Arroyo sa La Vista, Quezon City sa wa pang eleksiyon sa Mayo sa niaging tuig.   Kon dasonan ni Dy ang pasangil, masaligon ang oposisyon nga matiwas nang administrasyong Arroyo.

-o0o-  

        Ang maayong balita parang Presidente Arroyo mao nga di moboluntaryo si Dy paghatag sa importanten niyang kasayuran.   Gani, gipanghimakak na sa mga paryente ni Dy ang pangangkon nga pamatud-an niya nga nitambong si Presidente Arroyo sa paghatag og suburno ngadto sa mga opisyal sa Comelec nga gitapok ni kanhi Commissioner Virgilio Garcillano.

        Pero ang daotang balita parang Presidente Arroyo mao nga duna say kasaligang mga tinubdan nga nipahibawo nga nipasidaan si Dy nga di siya mamakak kon ipatawag sa nagpadayong imbestigasyon sa mga komitiba sa Senado sa jueteng sa giingong kalambigitan sa mga Arroyo sa jueteng.  Labaw na kon mahinayon ang gikahinaman nga impeachment trial batok ni Presidente Arroyo.

        Maong di ikahibung ang mga taho nga naglumba ang mga representante sa Malakanyang ug sa oposisyon pagtultol sa nahimutangan ni Dy sa Estados Unidos aron kumbinsihon pagtabang sa nagkabangga nilang mga kawsa.

-o0o-

        Si Arsobispo Oscar Cruz, kinsa wa pa moangkon nga si Dy ang labing lig-ong saksi sa iyang expose sa jueteng, niangkon nga di lunsay ang motibo sa iyang sunod saksi.   Mga higala ni Dy niingon nga nasuko siya dihang nabisto sa Garci tape nga gisakripisyo sa Malakanyang ang iyang paningkamot pagpugong sa proklamasyon sa iyang kaatbang nga si Grace Padaca aron pagseguro nga di maapektahan ang mga boto sa presidente.

        Ang grabeng kasuko giingong maoy nakapugos ni Dy pagbisto sa iyang sekreto ngadto sa usa sa labing inilang lider sa oposisyon, si kanhi senador Vicente Sotto III dihang nagkakita sila sa Los Angeles niadtong Hunyo ning tuiga.  Si Sotto, nga wa igdungog nga maayong motago og sekreto, maoy gidudahang nipakatap sa kasayuran hangtod nga niabot sa atensiyon sa arsobispo.

        Laing kredito sa kaligdong sa kampanya ni Cruz:  Giingong giawhag niya si Dy pagpirma og affidavit sa wa pa motoo sa seryusong pasangil.   [30]  leo_lastimosa@abs-cbn.com 

Inquirer Editorial

Editorial : Join the issue

July 30, 2005
Inquirer News Service

IS there an ideal time to amend the Constitution? The way opposition leaders have spoken out against the very notion of a "great debate" on Charter change, one would think that the answer is a categorical Yes. The real answer, however, is more complicated than the opposition makes it seem.

If in fact the ideal conditions were met -- let's assume these include the lack of economic uncertainty, the lack of a political crisis, and the lack of a leadership suspected of hiding ulterior motives -- the drive to improve the Constitution would itself lose momentum. The reason is elementary: If the system can give rise to such conditions in the first place, why fix it?

Not that anything resembling an ideal state of conditions would ever be reached. Constitutional change will always have economic costs or depend on political trade-offs; there will always be some kind of economic or political constraints. Not least, the entire political class, not just its leadership, will always be suspected of acting out of self-interest.

The argument that we should postpone the debate on Constitutional amendments to better times, therefore, has more leaks than the Titanic. There are no ideal conditions for Charter change.

By definition, pressure for a constitutional amendment reflects an existing problem in the constitutional order. The more severe the problem, the more acute the pressure.

Has the country come to such a pass? The most discussed options for dealing with today's political crisis -- from a revolutionary government to impeachment-plus-a-Truth-Commission -- suggest that such a problem already exists. At the very least, the number of Filipinos who may be willing to try something other than business-as-usual implies that there is, in fact, a constituency for Charter change.

But the opposition's real argument is more immediate: The debate on Charter change is part of President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo's strategy to hold on to power: to avoid impeachment by complicating the work of Congress, to forestall resignation by designing a so-called graceful exit.

In this view, to take part in the debate would be to play the President's game; it would be to play the role of an accomplice in a new crime, that of the mother of all cover-ups.

To which we can only say: The opposition should try less drama and more imagination.

Yes, Charter change can be a trap, in the exact same way that the impeachment process can be a trap too: that is, if anti-Arroyo lawmakers see themselves as mice rather than men.

The "terrible sword" of impeachment is deliberately unwieldy; it was designed to be unsheathed only with difficulty. That it is difficult to use is not an excuse for the minority to avoid it; in fact, the constitutional provisions on impeachment specifically allow the minority to override the majority. As the case of President Joseph Estrada in November 2000 proved, the numbers game could be a trap for the majority too.

Charter change will perhaps be an even more complicated process. Senate resistance to any fast-tracking of constitutional amendments is formidable; but as the Estrada impeachment case also proved, public pressure and the weight of evidence can turn any numbers game around.

That is the rationale behind the President's so-called media blitz. This permanent campaign has been received only as an attempt to make over Ms Arroyo's image and raise her survey ratings. But it is also an initiative to make the case for Charter change.

The fact that Charter change is now the topic of discussion in many parts of the country is proof of the presidency's power to set the national agenda. The President's bully pulpit may have sustained some damage in the last two months, but it is still largely intact.

It is incumbent on the opposition, therefore, to take part in the discussion. Engagement is the only way they can influence the agenda or prevent the President from monopolizing it.

If they refuse to do the necessary work-of educating the public, for instance, that federalism does not necessarily require a parliamentary form of government or that a parliamentary system does not need to be unicameral-they will effectively be ceding the battleground to the President.

Arangkada for July 31, 2005

 

              ILARA TITS

 

       Paglibog ug pagbuakbuak.  Kon wa pa mong kabantay, mao nay gihimo sa administrasyon ni Presidente Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo sa agresibong opensiba sa propaganda aron makutaw ug malasaw ang sibaw nga awhag pagpalagpot niya gikan sa Malakanyang.

       Tungod sa kadaghan sa mga politiko, mga negosyante ug mga sakop sa media nga napalit sa minilyon ka pesos nga pondo nga gipagawas sa Palasyo, di malalis ang kalamposan sa administrasyon.   Di lang ang kinabag-an sa katawhan kon dili hasta ang mga lider sa mga grupong nakigbatok sa presidente hingpit nang naglibog ug nabuakbuak.

-o0o-

       Nagsugod ang paugat sa administrasyon paglibog ug pagbuakbuak sa katawhan dihang ilang giunhan ang politikanhong oposisyon sa pagpagawas sa audio recording sa giingong panag-istorya nilang Presidente Arroyo ug kanhi Comelec Commissioner Virgilio Garcillano.   Gidasonan dayon ni sa hanap-pa-sa-diyes-panas nga pagpangayog pasaylo sa presidente.  Ug gisundan sa makalilisang nga pag-atake sa kakuwang og katakos ni Bise Presidente Noli de Castro ug sa ubang nangambisyon pagpuli niya.

·        Nanghinaot sila nga ang mga loyalista sa presidente padayong magduda sa katinuod sa Garci tapes; ug

·        Ang mga nakumbinser na nga gitikas gyod nilang Presidente Arroyo ug Garcillano ang niaging eleksiyon di kapatuyang pagtulisok sa presidente kay peligrong mas magkaguliyang ang nasud ubos sa pagduma ni bisan kinsang mopuli niya.

-o0o-

       Samtang wa pa kabawi gikan sa ilang pagkahugno ang mga grupong niawhag sa dinaliang resignasyon sa presidente, way tihiktihik nga gibombardiyohan sa Malakanyang ang nasud ug ang katawhan sa kaliboan ug usa ka lipatlipat nga ang tuyo mao ang, nakatag-an mo, paglibog ug pagbuakbuak:

·        Gipahibawo ang plano pagtukod sa Truth Commission agad sa sugyot sa Catholic Bishops Conference of the Philippines (CBCP), pero dihang wa mokubit ang mga obispo ug ubang gitanyagan way pupananghid nga gipadaplin ang sugyot pabor sa mas lab-as nga lipatlipat;

·        Ang iyang pagdeklarar atol sa SONA sa iyang suporta sa charter change pinaagi sa constituent assembly naputos sa daghang "tingali" sama sa perhaps ug maybe;

·        Iyang mga alyado sa politika, apil nang pipila sa iyang mga itoy dinhi sa Sugbo, klarong may pagtugot gikan niya sa pagpangampanya sab para sa constitutional convention;

·        Iyang alyadong mga gobernador sa ubang bahin sa nasud, nga puwerteng abiba para sa "Con-Ass" atol sa SONA nilusad sa ikatulong paagi pag-usab sa konstitusyon, ang "People's Initiative;" ug

·        Human sa makalilisang nga pakpak ni House Speaker Jose de Venecia sa pagsuporta sa presidente sa Cha-Cha, nga kuwang na lag dyutay nga mosaka siya sa lamesa sa House aron pag-abiba, gisabligan og bugnawng tubig sa presidente ang iyang kahigwaos nga mag-primero ministro pinaagi sa pagdeklarar tulo ka adlaw human sa SONA nga tiwason niyang iyang termino hangtod sa 2010.   [30]   leo_lastimosa@abs-cbn.com

Parliamentary System

Posted by Alecks Pabico
PCIJ

IN her State of the Nation Address (SONA) last Monday, Pres. Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo reiterated what she had already said in previous pronouncements about how "our political system has degenerated" to become "a hindrance to progress" and how "we have strained it to its final limits" — premises for her calling on Congress to initiate moves to amend the Constitution and effect a change to the parliamentary form of government.

Arroyo did not stop at that and even prescribed the manner by which charter change is to be done — via Congress itself sitting as a constituent assembly, to the obvious delight of its prime proponent, Speaker Jose de Venecia.

Such a proposal for a shift to a parliamentary form, especially if one considers the timeframe set by former president Fidel Ramos, seems to overlook the fact that we don't have strong, mature political parties, which are the lifeblood of a parliamentary setup. While people do not need convincing about this sad fact, findings of the international Consortium for Elections and Political Process Strengthening (CEPPS) mission that monitored the 2004 elections are worth a second look:

• Political parties remain weak institutions. While they have been in existence for more than half a century, they have never been more powerful than patronage systems.
• There is little incentive for politicians to cede his or her individual power to a political party.
• Political parties barely exist outside elections.

Evident in the character of the 2004 political campaigns and elections was this absence of a definable national political party system which, the International Republican Institute (IRI), a member of the CEPPS mission, said, "focused almost exclusively on personality and, particularly at the local level, one or another form of promised patronage."

No clearly was this manifested than in the candidacy of Fernando Poe Jr., who was not a member of any of the parties in the Koalisyon ng Nagkakaisang Pilipino (KNP) coalition. But Pres. Arroyo was no different either as she ran under the banner of three different parties — Lakas, Liberal Party and her own Kampi, whose membership is said to shrink and expand at the slightest hint of an impending election season.

The IRI also noted the "generally poor quality of political debate during the campaign, and its lack of relevance to the most pressing social and economic problems of the nation."

What is undermining the country's capacity for sustained development within the context of liberal democracy, the IRI pointed out, is its failure to make significant progress to consolidate its party system.

It is highly likely therefore that no discernible improvements can be gained whether under the present presidential system or the proposed federal, parliamentary framework without a tectonic shift in our party system. It would similarly be naïve to expect our present crop of politicians and political parties to change overnight with a change in the form of government.

To give the present Congress, the House of Representatives under the leadership of Speaker de Venecia in particular, the authority to sit as a constituent assembly to tackle amendments to the Constitution is also bereft of any wisdom.

This is the same institution that has since its reconstitution in 1987 consistently sat on vital political and electoral reforms that could have at the very least arrested the degeneration of the present system that Pres. Arroyo now rues about and conveniently seeks to replace.

A reform-minded legislature should have long passed the anti-dynasty bill, which was introduced as early as the term of the 8th Congress to fully enable the Constitutional provision that bans "political dynasties" — monopolies of political power by a limited number of families. Such a law has failed to be enacted since many of the members of Congress, from the 8th to the current 13th, come from long lines of political families who refuse to legislate themselves out of public office.

Still pending in the legislature is what political and electoral reform advocates consider as the most essential piece of legislation, the Political Party Reform Act, which was introduced in 2003 in the 12th Congress. The law seeks to provide the needed impetus for the development of parties based on platforms and programs, rather than on individuals and infleunce. Among its salient provisions are:

• regulating the conduct of political parties, including the selection of leaders by party congress;
• minimum funding by the state to duly registered national parties;
• regulating campaign financing and spending, including restricting individual campaign contributions;
• banning "turncoatism"  — the rampant practice of switching political affiliation that weakens party structures, confuses voters, and undermines the concept of a viable opposition (In fact, an anti-turncoatism bill was first filed in the 8th Congress.)

For a bill certified as urgent by the Legislative Executive Development Advisory Council (LEDAC), only one hearing has so far been conducted by the Senate committee chaired by Sen. Richard Gordon, while it still has to be calendared by the House committee chaired by Rep. Teodoro Locsin Jr.

Though another important law, the Party List System Act, was passed in 1995, it was a compromised piece of legislation. No less than the Supreme Court pointed out its basic flaws: the prohibitive existing threshold of two percent leaving congressional seats vacant, and its lack of any clearly defined eligibility criteria.

Since being introduced last August, amendments to the law, which include clarifying eligibility requirements, lowering the threshold to 1.8 percent, and increasing the maximum number of seats per party from three to six, have only reached the committee level this May.

For Arroyo to ask Congress to preside over constitutional amendments now betrays a lack of seriousness in pursuing genuine reforms.

Arangkada for July 30, 2005

 

              LAPOK NI GLO

 

Human nabulilyaso ang iyang press conference sa Malakanyang sa niaging adlaw, kanus-a iyang giabog ang foreign correspondents gikan sa Palasyo ug ang gihatagan og higayon mao rang labing taphaw nga mga pangutana, hingpit na gyong nisutoy nang media blitz ni Presidente Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo pinaagi sa pagpa-interview sa pinili nga news organizations.

Pero tak-om lang gihapon siya labot sa labing importanteng kontrobersiya nga nakapatay-og sa iyang administrasyon: Ang audio recording sa giingong panag-istorya nilang kanhi Comelec Commissioner Virgilio Garcillano. Di siya mokomentaryo sa bisan usa sa 15 nila ka panag-istorya nga klarong gitumong pagmaniobra sa resulta sa eleksiyon sa niaging tuig. Di pa gyod gani siya moangkon hangtod karon kon si Garcillano ba "ang opisyal sa Comelec" nga iyang gika-istorya.

-o0o-

Maapiki na gani si Presidente Arroyo, pananglitan dihang gikuhaan siyag reaksiyon sa pasangil ni Arsobispo Oscar Cruz nga nakasaksi siya sa paghatag og tag-P2 milyones nga jueteng payola ngadto sa 13 ka regional directors sa Comelec sud mismo sa iyang pinuy-anan sa La Vista, Quezon City sa wa pang eleksiyon sa Mayo sa niaging tuig, modayon siyag ingon nga naghinobra nang "trial by publicity" batok niya.

Mahimo bang hunghongan ang presidente nga way laing kapaingnan ang mga namasangil batok niya gawas sa katawhan nga maabot lang pinaagi sa media kay:

• Una, di siya mapasakaan og kaso sa korte kay duna siyay immunity;
• Ikaduha, lisod dangpan ang kapolisan ug ubang ahensiya nga gitugyanan pag-imbestigar sa dagkong krimen kay pulos man giduma sa iyang mga tinudlo; ug
• Ikatulo, ang impeachment nga maoy gitakda sa konstitusyon nga paagi pagtangtang niya sa katungdanan maglisod pag-ugpo tungod sa makabungog niyang mayoriya sa duha ka bay balaoranan.

-o0o-

Hapit ko mahagbong sa akong lingkoranan dihang niingon ang presidente nga di siya motubag sa mga atake batok niya kay di siya gustong mobawos paghimo og personal nga mga atake sa iyang mga kaatbang. Kinsa man intawoy iyang ilaron? Ang iyang pagpakahilom sa niaging kapin sa usa ka buwan natapakan sa gatosan ka pilo sa bastos ug iresponsableng kampanya sa iyang gamhanang makinarya sa propaganda nga nibuong sa kadungganan sa tanang nipaluyo sa sibawng awhag para sa iyang resignasyon sa Malakanyang.

Ang labing klarong mga ebidensiya nga siyay utok, o labing menos siyay nagtugot, sa pagpanglabay og nangalisbong lapok sa mga bakak ngadto sa iyang mga kaatbang mao ang nabistong pagpagawas sa Malakanyang og minilyon ka pesos pagpalit sa sipsip nga mga sakop sa media ug ang pagdumili niya pagbadlong ni Justice Secretary Raul Gonzalez, nga klarong maoy gihimong berdugo sa iyang administrasyon, pag-insulto sa tanang nangahas pagbarug batok niya—gikang Susan Roces ngadtong Cory Aquino, kanhi budget secretary Emilia Boncodin ug sa party list groups. [30]   leo_lastimosa@abs-cbn.com

Gloria Most Unacceptable

Posted by Avigail Olarte 
PCIJ

PULSE Asia reports that 47 percent — nearly one in two Filipinos — believe President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo is the most unacceptable person to lead the nation.

This sentiment was reflected across the country's geographical areas and socio-economic classes except in the Visayas where majority consider former President Joseph Estrada as the most unacceptable leader, according to Pulse Asia's nationwide survey of 1,200 respondents.

The survey was done on July 2-14 2005 at a time when there were simultaneous calls for the President's resignation and congressional hearings on jueteng and the Garcillano tapes were being conducted.

Meanwhile, 26 percent of Filipinos think Vice President Noli de Castro is the best person to lead the Philippines. The survey shows his largest support comes from the Visayas and Mindanao and from classes D and E. Those from the Metro Manila and ABC classes, however, favor Sen. Panfilo Lacson's leadership.

See the full report here.

Arangkada for July 29, 2005

 

P100M NGA PABAYA

 

May sunog gani nga ang kadaot niabot og P100 milyones, motumaw dayong pagduda sa arson. Kon apil sa naugdaw ang Customs Wharfinger, nga maoy naghikay sa multi-milyones pesos nga balor sa kargamentong moagi sa Cebu International Port (CIP) gikan ug para sa ubang kanasuran, motingkag og samot ang pagduda sa arson. Kon naapil og kasunog ang Maritime Police sa Central Visayas, ang Cebu Port Authority (CPA) ug ang usa sa labing dakong kompaniya sa pantalan, Oriental Port and Allied Services Corp. (OPASCOR), mosamot og tingkag ang pagduda nga tinuyo ang sunog.

Kon ang gitumbok nga sinugdanan sa kayo, Starlight Cargo Express, gipapahawa na sa kadagkoan sa CPA kay wa na malugwayi ang kontrata nga mapupos unya sa Septiyembre, usa ka bahin sa imong galamhan mosiyagit na gyod og arson. Pero sa akong pagsuwat ini, ang mga imbestigador sa kabomberohan wa pang kakita og ebidensiya nga tinuyo ang sunog.

-o0o-

Mas klaro ang ebidensiya sa pagpabaya sa kabomberohan:

• Alas-3:30 sa kadlawon, nabantayan ni Elmer Tanguan, guwardiya sa Starlight, nga nag-aso ang usa ka bahin sa ilang bodega;
• Nisumbong siya sa mga guwardiya sa CPA nga gipangulohan ni Arthur Yap;
• Alas-3:35, nakontak ni Yap ang Cebu City Fire Department pero giingnan siya nga adto manawag sa Mabolo Fire Sub-Station kay mas duol (angayng ila-ilahon ni Cebu City Fire Marshall Ismael Codilla kinsa sa iyang mga bombero ang niisnab sa tawag sa telepono ug maoy pahimungtan sa labing bug-at nga dukol); ug
• Alas-4:05, dako na kaayong ulbo sa kayo, dihang niabot ang unang trak sa bombero.

-o0o-

Pero di monopoliya sa mga bombero ang pagpabaya. Ang CPA, gawas diay nga wa kabayad sa buhis sa ngadto sa Cebu City Hall bisan sa kadako sa ilang kita gikan sa malambuong operasyon sa mga pantalan sa Sugbo, wa katukod og iyang kaugalingong fire fighting unit, kutob ra sa pagplano pagpalit og fire trucks para sa pantalan.

Matod ni CPA Gen. Manager Mariano Martinez tungod sa dakong sunog iyang apurahon ang pagpamalit og fire trucks. Di hinuon hingpit nga inutil ang CPA kay nakabutang man og fire hydrants sa pantalan. Pero dihang gisuwayan pagamit sa kabomberohan, nakatag-an mo, wa mosakar ang ilang hose kay di standard ang gidak-on.

-o0o-

Labing dakog pilde sa sunog mao ang customs. Segun ni District Collector Lourdes Mangaoang ang naugdaw nga balor og P60 milyones nga 22 ka luhong mga sakyanan isubasta na unta sa publiko sunod buwan, kanus-a nagpaabot silang mokita ang gobyerno og labing menos P20 milyones.

Daotang balita para sa bag-ong liderato sa customs. Nga naalarma nang daan sa kahinay sa negosyo. Alkanse sa target collection ang tanang pantalan sa nasud gawas lang sa Sugbo ug Cagayan de Oro. [30]  leo_lastimosa@abs-cbn.com

41 Impeachment Signatories

Posted by Vinia Datinguinoo
PCIJ

The biggest group of signatories is composed of members of the Liberal Party, with nine of their members endorsing the complaint. Seven belong to the Laban ng Demokratikong Pilipino or LDP; five are Nationalist People's Coalition members; two are Nacionalistas; and there is one each from the Partido ng Masang Pilipino and Kilusang Bagong Lipunan. One member of the president's own party Lakas signed the complaint, and one other is independent. Fourteen are representatives of eight different party-list groups. This brings the number of signatories to 41.

Opposition leaders, however, have said that they have obtained the commitment of more than 20 other representatives but are keeping their identities under wraps so they will not be "harassed" by the majority. These are the signatories to the resolution endorsing the amended impeachment complaint. Links to their data posted in PCIJ's i-site are provided too. (Check i-site's impeachment corner in the coming days for other relevant information.)

1. J.R. Nereus Acosta - LP, 1st district Bukidnon

2. Lorenzo R. Tañada III - LP, 4th district Quezon

3. Benigno Aquino III - LP, 2nd district Tarlac

4. Alfonso Umali Jr. - LP, 2nd district Oriental Mindoro

5. Manuel Mamba - LP, 3rd district Cagayan

6. Henedina Abad - LP, Lone district Batanes

7. Rozzano Rufino Biazon - LP, Lone district Muntinlupa City

8. Reynaldo Uy - LP, 1st district Western Samar

9. Proceso Alcala - LP, 2nd district Quezon

10. Rolex Suplico - LDP, 5th district Iloilo

11. Erico Basilio Fabian - LDP, Lone district Zamboanga City

12. Teofisto Guingona III - LDP, 2nd district Bukidnon

13. Agapito Aquino - LDP, 2nd district Makati

14. Juan Edgardo Angara - LDP, Lone district Aurora

15. Jacinto Paras - LDP, 1st district Negros Oriental

16. Rodolfo Agbayani - LDP, Lone district Nueva Vizcaya

17. Francis Escudero - NPC, 1st district Sorsogon

18. Darlene Antonino-Custodio - NPC, 1st district South Cotabato

19. Joseph Santiago - NPC, Lone district Catanduanes

20. Rodolfo Plaza - NPC, Lone district Agusan del Sur

21. Ruy Elias Lopez - NPC, 3rd district Davao City

22. Alan Peter Cayetano - NP, Lone district Taguig-Pateros

23. Justin Chipeco - NP, 2nd district Laguna

24. Ronaldo Zamora - PMP, Lone district San Juan

25. Clavel Martinez - Lakas, 4th district Cebu

26. Imee Marcos - KBL, 2nd district Ilocos Norte

27. Rolio Golez - Independent, 2nd district Parañaque City

28. Joel Villanueva - CIBAC

29. Mujin Hataman - Anak Mindanao

30. Florencio Noel - An Waray

31. Eulogio Magsaysay - AVE

32. Satur Ocampo - Bayan Muna

33. Rafael Mariano - Anak Pawis

34. Liza Maza - Gabriela Women's Party

35. Crispin Beltran - Anak Pawis

36. Teodoro Casiño - Bayan Muna

37. Mario Aguja - Akbayan

38. Loretta Ann Rosales - Akbayan

39. Anna Theresa Hontiveros-Baraquel - Akbayan

40. Joel Virador - Bayan Muna

41. Rodante Marcoleta - Alagad

 

Click here for a PDF copy of the Resolution of Endorsement showing the signatures. This resolution has only 39 names. The two others, Reps. Marcoleta and Alcala, filed their separate endorsements.

Arangkada for July 28, 2005

 

                 MEDIA GILUOK

 

Bisan sa pasalig nga di na siya mahadlok nga moatubang ug manubag sa mga pangutana sa mga sakop sa media, aron pagpapas sa mga pagsaway sa iyang pagtago gikan sa mga sakop sa media human sa pag-ulbo sa kontrobersiya sa Garci tapes, naklaro na hinuon nga way gipili ang lapad nga maniobra sa Malakanyang—wa pasayloa bisan ang yano ra untang press conference uban sa mga sakop sa media.

• Una, ilang giabog ang foreign correspondents gikan sa kalihokan kay di pasagolan ang Malacanang Press Corps;
• Ikaduha, gipasumiter nila ang mga sakop sa press corps og mga pangutana aron nga mabasang daan ug kapangandaman ni Presidente Arroyo;
• Ikatulo, gipahibawo ang press corps nga tungod sa kadaghan sa mga pangutana, limitahan press conference sa walo lang ka topics; ug
• Ikaupat, sa 60 ka sakop sa press corps, 10 ray gitugotan nga mangutana.

-o0o-

Ambot unsay ikatampo sa pagpalambo sa demokrasya sa Pilipinas sa pag-insistir sa Malakanyang nga isumiter sa mga sakop sa media ang ilang mga pangutana sa di pa moatubang nila ang presidente. Pero di na ni bag-o. Kay mao ni panginahanglan nga naandang gipahamtang sa Malakanyang ug sa Philippine Information Agency (PIA) sa tanang interviews ni Presidente Arroyo uban sa mga sakop sa media sa nagkalainlaing mga probinsiya.

Sa di pang presidential press briefings sa White House, ang lingkoranan sa politikanhong gahom sa labing gamhanang nasud sa kalibotan, si US President George Bush ug iyang gisundang mga presidente giandam sa ilang advisers para sa tanang posibleng mga pangutana gikan sa media. Pero ambot kon mas tapolan ba lang, mas talawan, o nagtoong mas gamhanan kay sa iyang katugbang sa US ug ubang kanasuran, si Presidente Arroyo ug ang iyang mga torotot sa Palasyo, pinaagi sa ilang makauuwawang paugat, maoy magbuot unsay mga pangutana nga mapasupot sa media ngadto niya.

-o0o-

Pinaagi sa pagkolektang daan sa mga pangutana sa Malacanang Press Corps, nahibawo nang daan ang Malakanyang unsay mga pangutanang giluom sa media human sila isnaba ni Presidente Arroyo sud sa kapin sa usa ka buwan. Pero di na paigo aron hingpit nga makontrolar ang presscon. Kay dako pa gihapon ang risgo nga ang mga sakop sa media nga matawag di mosubay sa script ug mangutana sa mga pangutana nga wa maapil sa lista nga gisumiter ngadto sa Malakanyang.

Maong gipili pag-ayong Press Secretary Ignacio Bunye kinsa ray makapangutana. Ang unang gitawag mao ang representante sa Radyo ng Bayan, nga nahibawo di niya mahimong lisudlisuron ang presidente nga di mameligro ang iyang panginabuhi. Ug inay tawgon ang ubang lehitimong news organizations, giseguro ni Bunye ang reporter sa Remate, ang tabloid sa itoy sa presidente nga si Kongresista Prospero Pichay. [30]   leo_lastimosa@abs-cbn.com

SONA Executive Summary

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