Thursday, July 21, 2005

Arangkada for July 22, 2005

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IYAHONG TANAN

 

Ambot tungod ba sa naghigwaos niyang determinasyon pagpabilin sa labing taas nga katungdanan sa nasud, o tungod ba sa ka-wa na niyay salig bisan sa labing suod niyang mga alyado sa Kongreso human siya biyai sa iyang labing sinaligang mga sakop sa gabinete, o di na lang gyod ganahang mokumpiyansa bisan gamay sa pagpanalipod sa iyang kaugalingon, si Presidente Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, sinalikway ang bisan unsang lama sa kaikog ug kauwaw, nideklarar nga siyay mangunay pagtudlo sa mga imbestigador nga mo-imbestigar sa seryusong mga pasangil batok niya.

Nisibaw nang mga pagsaway nga si Presidente Arroyo nagpabaga ug nagpapating sa iyang pagpamugos pagpabilin sa puwesto bisan sa pagtibugsok sa pagsalig sa kinabag-an sa katawhan human nabisto ang lisod lalison nga ebidensiya sa iyang pagmaniobra sa resulta sa eleksiyon sa niaging tuig ug pagkawat sa mandato sa mga botante nga ang mayoriya lain untay gipili pagka-presidente. Pero way bisan usang nakaandam ning labing uwahi niyang paugat.

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Bisan ang mga alyado ni Presidente Arroyo sa duha ka bay balaoranan sa Kongreso nikuwestiyon di lang sa legalidad kon dili hasta sa kamakiangayon sa iyang pagdalidali pagtukod og iyang kaugalingong Truth Commission. Klarong nainsulto ang iyang alyadong mga senador ug mga kongresista kinsa nag-andam na unta og mga balaodnon pagtukod og komisyon nga tinuorayng independente, o labing menos di direktang kapasanginlan nga ubos sa influencia gikan sa Malakanyang.

Pero ang pagbaraw sa Malakanyang sa plano sa Kongreso maoy klarong tilimad-on nga di na ganahang mosugal ang grupo ni Presidente Arroyo sa iyang kaugmaon ngadto sa mga politiko nga dunay personal nga mga ambisyon nga mahimong di motakdo sa plano sa Palasyo. Pasidaan sab ni Malakanyang nga di sila moduko sa Cha-Cha ug ubang giluto nga mga putahe nga molaslas sa lima pa ka tuig nga nahibilin sa termino ni Presidente Arroyo.

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Dihang nagtakilid nang Administrasyong Arroyo, nga morang usa ka litik na lay kuwang ug matumba na, si kanhi presidente Fidel Ramos ang niluwas niya pinaagi sa pagsugyot nga usbon ang sistema sa gobyerno ug himoon na lang caretaker si Arroyo hangtod nga mapahigayon ang eleksiyon sa bag-ong mga sakop sa bay balaoranan sunod tuig. Tungod sa iyang kahinangop nga nalugwayan ang naapiki na niyang pamunoan, way laing kapilian ang presidente gawas sa pagdason sa bisan unsang gipanulti nilang Ramos ug ni House Speaker Jose de Venecia.

Pero temporaryo rang iyang kakugang. Dihang nakaamgo nga sila pay naghupot sa higanteng makinarya sa gobyerno, nideklarar dayon ang mga torotot sa presidente, nga gipangulohan ni Presidential Management Staff Chief Rigoberto Tiglao, nga di mouyon ang presidente sa bisan unsang laslas sa iyang termino.

Sa ato pa, mosugot sila sa Cha-Cha, impeachment ug Truth Commission. Pero silay magbuot unsaon. [30]  leo_lastimosa@abs-cbn.com

Inquirer Editorial: Impeachment

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THE OPPOSITION is preparing up to 10 criminal charges, including electoral fraud and graft and corruption, against President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. Opposition lawmakers, assisted by private lawyers, are scrambling to gather evidence, line up witnesses and prepare the charges to be included in the impeachment complaint they will file in the House of Representatives immediately after Ms Arroyo delivers her State of the Nation Address at the opening of the session on Monday. "Our charges against her would revolve around the crimes of cheating, lying and stealing," said House Minority Leader Francis Escudero.

Impressive? Maybe yes -- to an impressionable public. But though it may be useful to marshal a whole array of allegations and charges to win the battle for public opinion, such a shotgun approach is really unnecessary, counterproductive and dilatory if the objective is to impeach Ms Arroyo and strip her of the presidency quickly. In an impeachment case, it doesn't matter whether the accused is found guilty of one crime or a dozen ones. Either way, all the punishment she will suffer is the loss of her high office.

One well-prepared, well-supported and well-argued case is all it takes to achieve this objective, so it's a waste of time and effort to file so many other charges that may prove hard to substantiate in the end. If the opposition wants to have an early resolution of this crisis, it should dispense with pyrotechnics, like filing so many charges, and focus on a couple or at most, a handful that can be built into solid cases.

Ironically, the more promising ones may not even directly involve the allegation that triggered the crisis -- electoral fraud -- since the most damaging proof of that available now is an illegal wiretap which cannot be used in legal proceedings. But there are some constitutional experts, Fr. Joaquin Bernas, S.J., among them, who say that just talking to an election official (which the President has publicly admitted) at such a critical time, already constitutes betrayal of public trust.

What would be less debatable is direct testimony given by persons who may have known first-hand certain presidential actions and decisions tainted by graft and corruption. If even just one of the seven Cabinet members who resigned last July 8 were to start talking about some shady transactions he or she personally knew about, the President could be in deeper trouble than she already is.

The opposition knows this very well. San Juan Rep. Ronaldo Zamora, who is heading the opposition's legal team, said he was confident that some of them would testify against the President. Imelda Nicolas, former chair of the National Anti-Poverty Commission, said she and others among the so-called Hyatt 10 were willing to testify "if we know something relevant to the charges." Former Social Welfare Secretary Corazon Soliman had earlier said she was ready to testify under oath. One former Cabinet member, who didn't want to be identified, said some of those in their group knew about some questionable transactions, particularly with regard to the disbursement of disaster relief funds allegedly for political purposes.

Unless the opposition has other more substantial proof of official wrongdoing, whether in connection with the elections or misuse of public funds, it cannot go wrong if it concentrated its effort on securing the cooperation of these officials, who were once in a position to participate in delicate discussions. They might even have been party to some questionable decisions and illegal transactions. And they seem convinced that the way to save the nation is to bring the Arroyo administration down. Having failed once when their demand for the President's resignation was ignored, will they go for broke and tell everything they know?

The answer could very well hinge on how much they can trust the opposition to follow the Constitution. One key proposal the resigned Cabinet members made was that power be handed over to the constitutional successor: Vice President Noli de Castro. Removing the President through impeachment should pave the way for such an orderly transition. But is the opposition ready to accept such an outcome?