Editorial : Shenanigans
All these gains and losses are, of course, temporary, with the political tide ebbing and flowing like waves on a seashore. Both sides are claiming that they're on the verge of tactical victory, with Speaker Jose de Venecia saying Magsaysay will be followed by others, and the opposition suggesting that others, like the Nacionalista Party members, are preparing to throw their support behind them.
The saying that the impeachment battle in the House is a "numbers game" has been repeated like a mantra by both sides. However, the side that really has the numbers is the majority, and small defections aside, it is managing to hold.
Magsaysay, in his previous incarnation as a supporter of impeachment, denounced efforts to bribe him into withdrawing his support. Now it turns out that all he needed to withdraw that support (according to him, at least) was to read the complaint and consult his lawyers. Still other lawmakers have made similar allegations of attempted bribery. But even without resorting to actual bribes, President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo and her people have been widely mentioned as phoning congressmen to ensure their continued support.
Given the widely discussed speculation that Malacañang wants to kill the impeachment before the President departs for Saudi Arabia and New York City, could it be that the administration is becoming more frantic or reckless, or both? Or are congressmen simply holding out for more? Columnist Dong Puno related, with barely feigned contempt, that one pro-administration congressman had inquired about pork-barrel funds because, if he didn't get any, he just might support impeachment after all. Magsaysay, in announcing his about-face, denounced suggestions he did so due to some trade-offs. But he should look at his colleagues to realize why such suspicions gain ground.
Does impeachment's nature as a "numbers game" justify the administration's moving heaven and earth (and allegedly a whole lot of cash, according to the opposition), and the opposition, in turn, attempting to make up for its numerical weakness by milking its every media appearance for all it's worth?
Both sides seem to recognize no limit, either ethically or tactically, to their actions in furtherance of their ultimate goals. What the administration, for example, loves to dismiss as merely a "Manila problem" has leaked into the province of Cavite, where the Remullas are attempting to restore the dominance over provincial politics established by their father. Whether or not there is truth to the suspicion that the suspension of Gov. Ireneo Maliksi has been influenced by the impeachment proceedings, the Remullas in the House have evenly divided its votes between avowedly pro-impeachment Gilbert and (so far) non-committal and possibly anti-impeachment Crispin. Maliksi's suspension obviously benefits their bother John-Vic who gets to sit as governor.
By all accounts, Cavite is opposition country, but as it stands, the Remulla brothers in the House have cleverly leveraged their votes in temporarily assisting the opposition (with Gilbert's signing on), while holding Crispin's vote in reserve. If Maliksi gains the upper hand, Crispin can add his vote to the opposition. If John-Vic succeeds, then the Remullas can point to Gilbert's "conscience vote," while Crispin votes with the administration and spites, in the process, their province mate, oppositionist Sen. Panfilo Lacson.
The spread of the political turmoil to Cavite indicates just how pervasive the question of impeachment is. It also shows the intensity of lobbying on the local level. In basketball, to use up time to the advantage of a team that's ahead, there's the tactic of pointlessly dribbling the ball. The question is whether it's the House majority doing the dribbling.
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