Inquirer Editorial

Editorial : Divided loyalties

CONSULAR reports, as our history shows, are one of the mainstays of the diplomatic profession. More often than not, they are cobbled together from news reports, opinion columns and editorials, and coffee-shop talk and the occasional one-on-one meeting, whether at cocktail parties or behind closed doors. The views they represent are the pooled opinions (fancifully called "analysis") of diplomats seeking to prove to the home office that they're doing more work than merely processing visas and attending each other's national day receptions.

What a diplomat in Manila writes to higher-ups in Washington reflects what his boss cares about, and unless the information was obtained by bribery, intimidation or some other form of skullduggery, it is intelligence and not espionage. When those documents, in turn, find their way back into Filipino hands, through the activities of a Filipino working for the Americans, then that is espionage, since acquiring those documents involves breaking American laws and national security regulations. When a Filipino citizen is implicated in the process, then the Philippine government is obligated to come to the assistance of the Filipino in distress.

But what concerns us here is a curious process that has been going on. What are the repercussions when reports filed by US officials from Manila end up being read by Filipinos who happen to figure prominently in those reports? If the American consular and other diplomatic reports intercepted by Filipinos demonstrate just what exactly the United States is interested in, and more so, what or who the United States thinks are in a position to further American strategic and economic interests, then the behavior of the Filipinos reading such reports is instructive.

Instructive of what? Instructive, first of all, of just how essential American official opinions and policies are to our politicians. Instructive, too, as to how politicians end up calculating their moves not only according to domestic political considerations, but also according to their interpretation of the US government's interpretation of the political scene.

A good case in point is former President Joseph Estrada, who hasn't been shy about admitting that he was the recipient of e-mail from Michael Ray Aquino. As the FBI reports themselves (as reported in this newspaper) indicate, around the time President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo's troubles began, US Embassy officials were telling the home office that Estrada remained popular among the masa and retained an aura of legitimacy among the people.

Here we have US officials saying Estrada is popular. Estrada reads what they are saying about him and very soon announces that he is prepared to resume leadership of the country, and proceeds to dramatize his preparedness by shuffling papers on his desk, saying he's being briefed by experts. Our readers recall that time, but it is only now, after we are made aware of official US diplomatic reports ending up on Estrada's desk, that the timing of his actions makes some sense. Estrada the actor was playing not to the "masa" [masses] gallery as was generally presumed. He was trying to attract Washington's attention -- a political "Yoohoo, I'm here!" of the first order.

As more and more of past American political analyses get revealed, a greater scrutiny of those documents has become very important. The exercise is useful not only to decipher where America's interests lie (those interests have always been clear enough: security, investments and using our defense alliance as a foil to rival powers such as China), but also to learn how shallow the loyalties of some our politicians tend to be.

Yesterday we observed that Vice President Noli de Castro would have done better had he showed the Americans the door rather than allowing himself to be subjected to what sounded very much like a job interview. Now we go one step further and ask the beneficiaries of stolen American intelligence reports: If the real objective of stealing them wasn't to help our country but only to find ways for America to help you, how can the country trust you? How can you serve the country when you are already serving two masters -- your ambition and Uncle Sam?