Arangkada for August 20, 2005

 

PABORITO NI ALIX

 

         Si Cebu City Councilor Christopher Alix, tsirman sa Committee on Health sa Cebu City Council, inay mauwaw sa pagkabisto sa iyang pagwaldas sa kuwarta sa Sugbuanong mga magbubuhis sa kampanya batok sa dengue, padayong nagpaugat.   Niinsistir siyang epektibo ang iyang paboritong mga mga kemikal ug nga wa mausik ang kuwarta nga gigasto sa taphaw niyang panagang sa dengue:

• Ang kemikal tinuod gyod nga makapatay sa mga lamok; ug
• Ang fogging ug mist spray machines wa mausik kay gigamit gikan sa buntag hangtod sa hapon gikan sa Lunes hangtod sa Sabado.

-o0o-

         Si Alix usa ka dentista, dili eksperto sa tropical infectious diseases.  Samtang makapangangkon nga siyay labing suhito sa bag-ang, di siya makalalis sa tinuod nga mga doktor nga nagtuon sa dengue, kinsa niingon nga ang kemikal pikatan lang sa mga lamok nga sayon rang makabalhin sa laing lugar ug, kon matsambahan mang dagkong lamok, magpabiling buhi ang mga itlog.

         Ug bisan pa kon 24 oras kada adlaw ug pito ka adlaw kada semana pa nga gigamit ang mga makina nga gitubilan sa iyang paboritong kemikal, kay mahadlok mang mga kawani sa Cebu City Health Department nga binabuyon niya og kasaba kon mosukwahi sa iyang kamahigugmaon sa mga kemikal, mas epektibo gihapon, gawas nga way minilyon ka pesos nga mausik, ang pagyabo sa nagpondong tubig ug pagpangitag lutsanan sa nabara nga mga kanal.

-o0o-

         Kon may delicadeza si Konsehal Alix, nganong gitugotan man ang Colonie Enterprises, iyang paboritong supplier sa iyang paboritong kemikal, ang MaxiFog, nga maoy nibangka sa makabusdik nga paniudto sa tanang health inspectors nga gitapok sa Cebu City Health building niadtong Biyernes?

         Kon may uwaw si Alix, nganong wa man siyay kukaikog nga niawhag sa health inspectors pagpaspas og gamit sa mga kemikal?   Gikuwangan ba lang sa manok ug pansit nga gisukad sa supplier?  O naghigwaos na sab sa iyang paboritong bisyo, ang pagpangompra sa iyang paboritong kemikal?

-o0o-

         Di na maihap ang mga bulilyaso ni Alix sa iyang pagduma sa Committee on Health.   Giprotestahan siya niadto sa mga doktor sa Cebu City Medical Center tungod sa kaguliyang nga niulbo sa iyang pagpanghilabot pagduma sa ospital.   Si Alix man gani ang gitumbok nga usa sa hinungdan sa masuk-anong hulga ni Cebu City Mayor Tomas Osmena pagsera sa CCMC.

         Diriyot sab siya ikasumbagay sa dakong opisyal sa City Health niadto nga nisalikway sa iyang pagsuway pagdiktar unsay mga programa nga ilusad ug, nakatag-an mo, unsay mga sangkap nga komprahon.

         Nganong padayon mang gisaligan si Alix pagpangu sa Committee on Health?   Hinaot nga tungod lang kay way laing doktor sa konseho.  Ug dili tungod kay maayo siyang namahin sa mga premyo sa iyang paboritong mga "bulilyaso."   [30]  leo_lastimosa@abs-cbn.com

August 19, 2005

 

           ILAD SA KEMIKAL

 

Karon nahibawo na ko nganong managsama ang katin-awan sa mga konsehal sa Syudad sa Sugbo nga agresibong niduso sa pagpamalit sa mahalon nga mga kemikal ug mga makina batok sa dengue sa pagpanalipod sa kuwestiyonable nilang transaksiyon. Pulos diay sila nakabasa, ug posibleng pulos nakasag-u, sa leaflets nga giapod-apod sa supplier sa paborito nilang kemikal.

Ang Colonie Enterprises nga nagbase sa Tipolo, Mandaue City maoy bugtong niapil sa subasta pag-suplay og 500 litros sa "agua resigen" chemical nga gipangayo sa Cebu City Health department. Bisan wa silay karibal, wa mokumpiyansa ang Colonie. Gipabahaan nilang mga opisyal sa syudad sa leaflets nga nihulagway sa ilang kemikal nga MaxiFog nga "fogging concentrate for the control of dengue-carrying mosquitoes."

-o0o-

Ang linya sa leaflet nga nakapa-ilad sa mga konsehal, samang Jack Jakosalem, ug maoy ilang gikopya pagpasabot sa publiko sa ilang bulilyaso mao ni: "MaxiFog 2.5 EC functions through contact and acts quickly on the insects' nervous system, causing paralysis and eventual death within minutes. It kills mosquitoes instead of repelling them."

Sa yanong pagkasulti, mo-epekto lang ang MaxiFog kon maigo ang lamok. Ang problema mao nga bisan gamiton pang mist spray machines gikan sa Germany, nga nakompra sab tungod sa paningkamot ni Jakosalem, di madutlan sa MaxiFog ang mga itlog. Gawas nga pikatan lang sa dagkong lamok, kay wa pa may makinang na-imbento nga makapatugpa sa makamatay nga mga lamok gikan sa paglupad paingon sa laing lugar, pagtakod sa bag-ong mga biktima ug pagpalapad pa sa problema.

-o0o-

Pero ang Colonie wa motoo sa ilang propaganda. Kay sa ilang gilista nga mga paagi pagbadlong sa dengue, nakalimtan pag-apil ang panginahanglan pagbomba sa MaxiFog:

• Remove water from plant plates;
• Change water in flower vases every seven days;
• Overturn pails and watering cans and store them in a sheltered place;
• If going for a holiday, cover toilet bowls and drains;
• Check your roof gutters for blockages regularly; and
• Dispose of unwanted containers into a refuse bin lined with plastic bag; Fill up tree holes and ground depressions with sand or cement.

Mao ra. Sa ato pa, ang Colonie mismo kumbinsido nga igo

nang panagang sa dengue ang pagpanlimpiyo sa palibot. Sila na lang gyod diay si Christopher Alix, Gerardo Carillo ug Jakosalem ang nagpabilin sa langob sa ka-ignorante.

-o0o-

Kahibudngan nang daan nganong giisnab ang subasta sa ubang suppliers sama sa 4A Agro Enterprises, mahimo bang tubagon sang Cabugao ang mosunod nga mga pangutana:

• Kinsa may nagtudlo niya sa kemikal nga gamiton?
• Kinsa may nagdiktar niyang 500 litros ang pangayuon?
• Kinsa may nisugo niya pagtakda sa presyong P3,000 kada litro?
• Makapasalig ba siyang wa gitino ang kemikal aron Colonie ray mosubasta? [30]  leo_lastimosa@abs-cbn.com

Arangkada for August 18, 2005

 

           HADLOK SA HUSAY

 

Human lumsi ang katawhang Pilipinhon sa propaganda sa administrasyon ni Presidente Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo nga huyang, minao-mao ug di kapamatud-an ang tanang testigo ug mga ebidensiya sa oposisyon batok sa presidente, gipalihok sa Malakanyang ang langit ug yuta aron nga di mahusay ang impeachment complaint batok ni Presidente Arroyo.

Human nipasalig nga andam si Presidente Arroyo nga manalipod sa iyang kaugalingon, kay ang iyang kaligdong ug katakos maoy makapa-absuwelto niya sa seryusong mga pasangil nga iyang gigamit ang payola sa jueteng pagtikas sa niaging eleksiyon, ang administrasyon nidangop sa tanang hugaw ug bastos nga mga maniobra aron nga mabasura ang kaso sa di pa kasugdan paghusay.

-o0o-

Dako ning tamparos sa mga grupo nga kusganong nisupak sa sibaw nga mga awhag para sa resignasyon ni Presidente Arroyo. Para nila pagpanglaktod ug di makiangayon para sa presidente nga mokanaog sa puwesto bisan wa pa kapamatud-i ang mga pasangil batok niya ug sa iyang pamilya. Niawhag sila nga hatagan ang presidente og higayon pagpanubag sa mga pasangil batok niya pinaagi sa impeachment process.

Unsa man karoy gibati ning mga grupoha sa makauuwaw nga salidang gipakita sa mga kongresistang sakop sa House Justice Committee, nga maoy gitugyanan paghimo sa pasiunang imbestigasyon sa impeachment complaint? Ang siniyagitay ba sa mga kongresista ug ang ilang pagsalida atubangan sa mga kamera ug mga mikropono ang ilang gipaabot sa solemneng proseso paghusay sa kaso batok sa presidente?

-o0o-

Ang mga torotot sa administrasyon niingon nga di ta angayng ma-eskandalo. Kay ang impeachment usa ka politikanhong proseso. Bisan sa tanan nilang pakauwaw, giawhag ta sa Palasyo nga padayong mosalig sa Kongreso nga makatuman sa ilang trabaho.

Kabahin ba sa proseso ang kinamangay sa mga kongresista, pagtanyag nilag kuwarta ug mga proyekto, pagtudlo sa ilang mga paryente sa dagkong puwesto sa gobyerno, paghudlat nga ibisto ang mga may gitagoang mga eskandalo, aron lang pagseguro nga di kaabot og 79 ang mopirma sa impeachment complaint nga maoy makapasutoy ini ngadto sa Senado?

-o0o-

Ako pabiling nisalig sa kaligdong sa kinabag-an sa katawhan. Naniid sila sa mga panghitabo uban ang dakong tinguha pagsusi unsa kalig-on ang mga testigo ug mga ebidensiya batok sa presidente. Kon maklaro nga di makiangayong luokon sa administrasyon ang oposisyon, ang katawhan di moduko pag-absuwelto sa presidente.

Usa sa mga timailhan asa kapusta ang katawhan: Si Kongresista Francis Escudero, ang House Minority Floor Leader, kansang pamilya itoy ni Erap ug ni Marcos, gihulagway na nga ligdong ug takos nga mahimong senador o bisan gani presidente. Samtang si DENR Secretary Mike Defensor, human sa labing dakong salida sa iyang kinabuhi sa iyang pagkuwestiyon sa kaligdong sa Garci tapes sa niaging semana, gihulagway nga umaabot nga announcer sa circus. [30]  leo_lastimosa@abs-cbn.com

Mike & Chiz

Lucid Interval : Spliced for life

Rowena Guanzon rguanzon@inquirer.com.ph
INQ7.net

THERE is a saying that "whom the gods wish to destroy, they first make mad with power." In the case of Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo's loyal henchmen, that should be shortened by omitting the last two words. Maybe the megalomania toxins in Malacañang can really addle the brain. Add to that all the narcissism particles in the air that one can inhale or take in by osmosis even while doing the most mundane thing as trying to look intelligent, and you have Cabinet members who are no match for Dustin Hoffman in "Rain Man."

After Secretary Mike Defensor's presentation of his revelations of the spliced tape, Malacañang is now in extreme danger of really being called a nuthouse, and his boss as a woman who is now "spliced for life." This administration is going down in history not only as the most despised, but also as the most laughed at. It should not insult further the intelligence of the people who can see through their shenanigans. Its attempts to win back the public's attention are hilarious, but this latest act of Defensor is murderous. It is the blade that strikes the deathblow to the administration's heart. After this, Mike Defensor will never be the same again.

Defensor said that the American audio expert paid by him said that the tape was spliced. In the Inquirer yesterday, this expert said he said no such thing. To top it all, Defensor's favorite audio expert, Jonathan Tiongco, is someone not even Department of the Interior and Local Government Secretary Angelo Reyes and the National Bureau of Investigation, loyal supporters of Gloria Arroyo, will touch with a 10-foot pole. After this, all other attempts of Gloria Arroyo's men (thank goodness the women are staying out of it) will be ridiculed no end. The advice that comes to my mind is what our law professor used to say when students cannot answer during recitation -- "go home and plant camote."

Gloria Arroyo will not resign despite her negative ratings in the polls and said she welcomes an impeachment. She chooses to govern a people who do not want her, and knowing her politics only too well, submits instead to the will of their representatives. The people, the church and civil society are supposed to be pacified with the impeachment as the final battleground, yet Gloria's boys are throwing every monkey wrench they can get hold of to kill the impeachment before it can begin.

Anticipating the impeachment, Defensor would not have made his latest attempt without Gloria Arroyo's knowledge, approval or acquiescence. The motive is of course suspect. They tried, but failed, to create a doubt in the people's minds if it was indeed Gloria Arroyo in a taped conversation with then-election commissioner Virgilio Garcillano, who up to now cannot be found. As we lawyers and our courts would say, flight is a sign of guilt.

Why else would Defensor do this so late in the day? It is because they think they are one step ahead of the impeachment. They also want to influence the thinking of the undecided or independent minded members of the House of Representatives. In other words, by propaganda, they are trying to influence the jury. They know (if they know not, why, they are suffering from delusion) that even before the impeachment could start, Gloria Arroyo has lost the people's trust. The impeachment is a test if our democratic institutions work. It is the area where both Gloria Arroyo and the people agree the issue should be settled.

Unfortunately, the representatives of the people in the House of Representatives are still searching their conscience, if they have any. While they are searching their conscience, the price of fuel and electricity has gone up, and very soon, the prices of basic commodities. The political tolerance of the poor will be further tested, even when many of them think that politics in this country is the game of the rich and the corrupt and whoever sits in Malacañang will cheat and steal anyway.

Defensor's latest caper is viewed with both ridicule and contempt because everyone knows he is totally loyal to Gloria Arroyo and they will do anything to stay in power. Instead of running the Department of Environment and Natural Resources, he has demoted himself to the unglamorous position of Gloria's propagandist. What aggravates his problem is that this is not the first time that Gloria Arroyo's loyal henchmen have tried to fool the people. The first attempt was Chavit Singson's display of technological ignorance, and now, Defensor's display of unabashed arrogance. Gloria Arroyo has admitted that she called up a Commission on Elections official and apologized for it, hoping that by doing so, the problem would go away.

While his boss used admission to pacify her critics, Defensor is attempting to create another defense, and that is, that Gloria Arroyo did not say the damaging words, especially the "yung dagdag, yung dagdag" ["the padding, the padding"]. Before he makes more blunders, Defensor should instead concentrate on saving our last remaining forests and hunt down all the illegal loggers.

These recent events show that moving heaven and earth to stay in power can cause dyslexia, and for some cabinet members, it is probably dementia. Gloria Arroyo's loyal henchmen are incapable of reading the people's mind. If they want to read some, they can go to the blog of the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism, where I found this blogger who compares Defensor with House Minority Floor Leader Francis Escudero:

"Si Mike Defensor ay tulad ng isang mababaw na ilog, masyadong maingay, pero si Chiz ay isang matining na ilog, malalim at tahimik. Si Chiz ay simbolo ng kabataang may integridad at prinsipyo. Si Mike D ay simbolo ng batang TRAPO na maagang na corrupt ng kanyang amo, si Chiz ay magiging senador at posibleng maging Presidente. Si Mike D ay…. ewan ko kung saan pa ito pupulutin, siguro maging DJ na lang ito sa karera ng kabayo."

[Mike Defensor is like a shallow river, too noisy, but Chiz [Escudero] is a serene river, deep and silent. Chiz is a symbol of youth with integrity and principle. Mike is a symbol of the young traditional politician who has been corrupted early by his boss. Chiz will become a senator and possibly become president. Mike is … I don't know where he will end up, maybe he will become a horserace announcer.]

That hurts.

Inquirer Editorial

Editorial : Twin poisons

AROUND this time last year, 11 economics professors from the University of the Philippines prodded the government to adopt far-reaching fiscal reforms to narrow down the budget deficit and reduce its debts. Unless the needed reforms were taken, the group warned, the economy could collapse within two years, bringing chaos and violence such as those experienced by Argentina.

Picking up the warning, the administration of President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo quickly put together an economic reform package that focused on raising new taxes and improving tax collection efficiency. The centerpiece of the program was the expansion of the value-added tax (VAT) to increase the rate to 12 percent from 10 percent and to lift the exemption given to some strategic sectors and products, like petroleum and electricity.

After several months of heated debates and administration arm-twisting, the measure was finally passed in May. The point man for the administration's economic reform package was the chair of the House committee on economic affairs, Rep. Joey Salceda of Albay province.

Now Salceda is again in the news, arguing not for collection of expanded VAT but deferment of its implementation. Collection of the tax has been put on hold temporarily by the Supreme Court, following a petition by the opposition questioning the constitutionality of some of its provisions. But Salceda says that even if the Court finds the law constitutional, the government should not collect E-VAT on oil products and power in the meantime, because to do so could trigger an economic meltdown.

Oil price increases in the first half of the year, Salceda pointed out, have pushed inflation to 8.4 percent, raised manufacturing costs and slowed down economic growth. With crude prices rising to $67 per barrel, imposing VAT and allowing the oil companies to recover the added cost would send gasoline prices above P40 a liter, he said. The higher cost of oil as well as electricity is "likely to stoke a second run of inflation and kill whatever growth impetus we have." Thus, he proposed that the government suspend the collection of the VAT on oil products and electricity until the international price of crude settles at $50 per barrel. "It would be fiscal folly, nay suicidal, to insist on its implementation at this point, even if there were no political crisis," he said.

That was not, of course, how the administration and Salceda sold the expanded VAT to his legislative colleagues and to the public. During the debates on the bill, what the administration deemed suicidal was the failure to pass the measure, since it would put in serious doubt the government's ability to pay its debts. Without the expanded VAT, it was then said, the country risked a credit rating downgrade, raising interest rates and limiting its ability to borrow from international financial institutions.

Little has changed since the time when the bill was being debated in Congress. The country's debts have not diminished. The budget deficit, which once seemed likely to narrow, is widening again, as both the Bureau of Customs and the Bureau of Internal Revenue failed to achieve their collection targets in July. And while crude prices have recently registered record highs, their upward trajectory was there for everyone to see. Sen. Joker Arroyo has said the possibility that crude would soar to $70 per barrel was already "factored" into the debates on the expanded VAT.

The more significant change apparently is not to be found in the economic field but in the political arena, where the President now finds herself fighting for survival amid accusations that she stole the election. Senate President Franklin Drilon said the Salceda proposal was a "trial balloon" to determine if the administration could get away with the non-implementation of a law that could be politically disastrous for the President. Senator Arroyo said the administration was engaging in "doublespeak" so that the President could "survive the political crisis," a view shared by some opposition senators.

Once again politics seems to be muddling an issue that should be weighed very carefully, given the serious implications of acting either way. But this is the sad reality President Arroyo has to face, now that she is being threatened with impeachment: that her every move will be suspected of being driven by the need to ensure her political survival. With suspicion polluting the air, it is difficult to see how the country can deal effectively with economic problems that demand the Filipinos' full attention and cooperation to overcome, like soaring crude prices and a crushing debt burden.

Arangkada for August 17, 2005

 

              TONG SA KEMIKAL?

 

Wa magkuwang ang mga doktor sa Cebu City Health Department pag-edukar sa mga politiko sa labing epektibong mga paagi sa pagbadlong sa dengue sa kabaranggayan. Napamatud-an kini sa suwat ni kanhi City Health Officer Felicitas L. Manaloto ngadto ni Mayor Tomas R. Osmena nga pinetsahan og Aogost 9, 2001.

Upat ka tuig nang nilabay, gitambagan nang Manaloto si Osmena ug ubang opisyal sa syudad nga gastuso ug di epektibo ang pagamit sa fogging machines ug mga kemikal sa pagpatay sa mga lamok nga nagda sa dengue. Maong dakong kahibulongan nganong hangtod karon duna pay mga opisyal sa syudad nga mangugat sa pagpamalit og mga kemikal batok sa dengue.

-o0o-

Ang suwat ni Manaloto ngadtong Osmena niadtong 2001 nipasabot nga ang taphaw ug temporaryong benepisyo sa kinaraang paagi pakigkombate sa dengue di maka-ambas sa higanteng gasto:

• Gawas nga mahal ang fogging machines, dako sang gasto sa maintenance sa mga makina;
• Ang operasyon nagkinahanglan og krudo ug gasolina nga nagpadayon pagsaka ang presyo; ug
• Ang mga kemikal oro sang mahalon.

Di lang ang wa kinahanglana ug way kapuslanang gasto ang

gitumbok ni Manaloto pagsalikway sa kemikal ug fogging machines:

• Ang pagamit sa kemikal di makaayo sa environment tungod sa aso ug hinungaw di lang gikan sa kemikal, kon dili gikan sab sa krudo ug gasolina; ug
• Ang hinungaw sa kemikal gawas nga pikatan lang sa lamok makadaot sa panglawas sa mga molupyo.

-o0o-

Bisan niadtong 2001, nitambag nang daan si Manaloto nga ang labing epektibong panagang sa dengue mao ang pagyabo sa nagpondong tubig nga maoy mga pinuy-anan ug itloganan sa mga lamok. Inay mogasto og minilyon ka pesos sa kemikal, niawhag si Manaloto nga palambuon ang pagpakabana sa publiko pinaagi sa pagsangyaw sa kasayuran sa kabaranggayan.

Gawas ni Manaloto, nipirma sa suwat si Health Committee Chairman Christopher Alix. Gawas ni Osmena, gihatagan og kopya sa suwat silang Bise Mayor Michael Rama, tanang konsehal ug tanang barangay kapitan. Gawas sa kahakog sa komisyon, unsa may laing katin-awan sa padayong pagpamalit og kemikal ug fogging machines sa mga politiko?

-o0o-

Mahimo bang ipasabot ni Alix nganong bisan sa iyang pagpirma sa suwat ni Manaloto niadtong 2001 nangugat man gihapon pagpangompra og mga kemikal ug mist spray machines? Nganong bisan sa iyang pagkabasa sa suwat ni Manaloto, namakak man si Konsehal Gerardo Carillo pagpasangil ni Manaloto nga maoy nagpirma sa purchase request sa kemikal?

Ug mahimo bang prangkahan ta nilang Rama ug ubang konsehal nganong bisan sa lehitimong tambag ni Manaloto upat ka tuig nang nilabay nagpiyong mang gidasonan silang Alix ug Carillo pagwaldas sa kuwarta sa mga Sugbuanon para sa ilang kinaham nga mga kemikal? [30]   leo_lastimosa@abs-cbn.com

Shades of Gray

Posted by Luz Rimban 
PCIJ

AUGUST 21 is fast approaching and civil society is again trying to rekindle the spirit and significance of that day in Philippine history.

That day, of course, is the day former Senator Benigno Aquino Jr. was assassinated on the tarmac of the then Manila International Airport upon his arrival from a three-year exile in the United States. On Sunday, the 22nd year of the Aquino assassination, civil society groups are launching what they will be calling a "Black and White" movement.

Why "Black and White?" Because, according to the email being circulated by the likes of Bill Luz of the Makati Business Club, "cheating is a moral issue where there are no gray areas. There's only black and white."

The movement will be launched this Sunday, with organizers hoping to recall the main sentiment of those days 22 years ago when Filipinos cried, "Hindi ka nag-iisa (You're not alone)."

"Today, our nation once again cries out for unity. We have become, not just a nation divided, but a people fragmented. We believe GMA cheated and we demand her RESIGNATION, IMPEACHMENT or OUSTER," says the Black and White movement.

A full day of activities and speeches is being planned for the affair which is to be held at De La Salle Greenhills. Speakers include former NEDA Director General Cielito Habito, Akbayan Party List Rep. Risa Hontiveros, NGO leader Gerry Bulatao, De la Salle president Bro. Armin Luistro, and former social welfare secretary Dinky Soliman.

The Black and White Assembly is convened by The Moral Majority, Bangon Pilipinas, Manindigan! C4T - Citizens for Truth and Resignation, Impeachment or Ouster, CODE-NGO, National Peace Conference, LGCNet, Institute of Popular Democracy, AWARE, PhilDHRRA, Pagbabago@Pilipinas, C4CC - Citizens for Con Con, Phil CO Society, PASCRES, GZO Peace Institute.

Arangkada for August 16, 2005

 

              MAWANI SA SALIDA

 

Salamat ni DENR Secretary Mike Defensor, napahinumdoman ang kinabag-an sa katawhan, dihang nag-ungaw na sila nga malumos sa higante ug way kinutobang kampanya sa lipatlipat nga gilusad sa Malakanyang, nga di angayng kalimtan ang Garci tapes. Nga ang tinuod nga isyu sa krisis nga nihamok sa nasud karon mao ang kuwestiyonableng mandato nga gihuptan ni Presidente Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo.

Ug nga kinahanglan unang husayon kining batakang pagduda sa ka-lehitimo sa nasudnong liderato sa di pa maka-irog ang uban pang mga hilisgutanan. Pipila nila lehitimo, sama sa nag-ung-ong nga krisis sa lana ug padayong pagtibugsok sa ekonomiya. Pero kasagaran nila panglawgaw, sama sa charter change ug truth commission.

-o0o-

Klarong dunay bendisyon sa Malakanyang ang makauuwaw nga salida ni Defensor sa niaging semana, sama sa pagwarawara ni Press Secretary Ignacio Bunye sa iyang kataw-anan ug dinalidaling bersiyon sa Garci tapes. Labing dakong ebidensiya nga gitugotan ni Presidente Arroyo ang iyang salida mao ang pagpabilin ni Defensor sa puwesto, sama sa pagpilit ni Bunye sa katungdanan, bisan pa kon managsama nilang nawad-an og ulo.

Samtang wa barawa si Defensor, di tang kapaabot nga suportahan siya sa Palasyo. Igo nang gisalikway si Defensor nga morang way kapuslanang nuog sa mga kongresistang sipsip sa administrasyon. Kay gi-reserba pa si Defensor sa umaabot nga duwa. Samang Bunye, padayon siyang gamiton sa kampanya sa kalibog, sama sa pagpanghagit og pustaanay sa oposisyon pagsumiter og dugang kopya sa Garci tapes ngadto sa US ug ubang kanasuran para sa authentication.

-o0o-

Maong kon dunay igong kabuot ang politikanhong oposisyon, nga sa gusto natog sa dili mao ray bugtong paglaom nga makairog ang impeachment process batok ni Presidente Arroyo, kinahanglang magsugod na sila sa paghimo sa tinuod nga trabaho—ang pagpalig-on sa articles of impeachment pinaagi sa pag-ila sa tanang mga politiko ug opisyal sa gobyerno, pagtultol sa tanang mga lugar ug pagsubay sa tanang mga maniobra pagtikas sa niaging eleksiyon nga nahisgutan sa, may lain pa ba, Garci tapes nga kaniadto rang nanguhit nila.

Pero kon ang mga lider sa oposisyon padayong mag-ilog pag-atubang kamera sa ilang way kinutoban nga press conferences sa labing luhong mga hotel sa Metro Manila, segurong masud sila sa laang sa kampanya sa administrasyon sa pagpamakak ug pagbuak-buak.

-o0o-

Kon mahitabo, wa ni magpasabot nga magpabilin si Presidente Arroyo sa puwesto ug makatiwas sa iyang termino hangtod sa 2010. Mapalagpot gihapon siya sa Malakanyang. Kay ang katarung modaog man gyod batok sa kadaotan.

Pero mausab nang liderato sa pakigbisog. Inay maghangad sa mga politiko sa oposisyon nga otro sang nangalisbo, ang katawhan maoy mangunay pagpasiugda og kausaban nga, hinaot pa unta, di na lang kutob sa mga dagway kon dili apil na sa sistema para sa mas makiangayong ugma. [30]   leo_lastimosa@abs-cbn.com

Inquirer Editorial

Editorial : Moving forward

THE "BLUEPRINT for a Viable Philippines" is not a perfect document; it certainly wasn't intended to be. What it is is a work in progress: "It merely puts forward in broad strokes the basis of what the proponents perceive to be the primary steps that can be taken for the country to survive, to enable the citizenry to pull themselves out of the deep rut they are now in."

As we can see, even its language can be out-of-breath at times. But, at least, it is a positive contribution to the on-again, off-again public dialogue on reforming the system. The product of many roundtable discussions, the Blueprint was written by several eminent members of the University of the Philippines community.

It prescribes strong medicine; that is one of its strengths. For instance, it calls the policy of allotting "a growing portion" of the budget to pay for principal and interest of the country's debt stock "slow suicide" and "immoral." It recommends a "comprehensive debt audit" to uncover the "hidden history of our indebtedness" and a renegotiation of our official debt, "with the end in view of securing a minimum 5-year relief from interest payments."

But the Blueprint also and essentially prescribes the same kind of medicine for the country's many problems: that is one of its weaknesses. Many of its recommendations assume or call outright for active government intervention. Symptomatic of this weakness is its placebo of a recommendation for what it says is ailing Philippine mass media: It calls for a Board of Governors for Media "that will function as media's own watchdog and regulatory body."

Surely, the solution to some of our problems does not involve a strong (or in the Blueprint's Nietzschean language, "willful") state; sometimes, we need less government, not more. (That, in fact, may be the only way for other parts of the private sector to grow in maturity.)

But taken altogether, the Blueprint allows us to look beyond the sordid scandals that consume us, to an alternative future bright with the promise of possibilities.

That is a quality lacking in the Ramos-De Venecia proposals for Charter change. Not because the ideas themselves have no merit, but because the ideas have come to be identified with the men behind them. And because the ideas have been sold as a "graceful exit" for the President. That is a pity. We believe, for instance, that the opportunities a parliamentary system provides for a non-disruptive change of government, through say a vote of no confidence, deserve a more thorough discussion.

Another way for the country to move forward is through the (admittedly) increasingly more unpopular idea of a Truth Commission. If there is anything that Environment Secretary Michael Defensor, a close Arroyo ally, has proven, with his hiring of an American forensic expert and the ensuing controversy that surrounded his presentation on Friday, it is the need for a neutral analysis of the Hello Garci tapes.

We think it strange that an opposition that is willing to accept new witnesses who have surfaced after it filed its amended impeachment complaint is now saying that it is too late for Defensor to offer an analysis of the tapes. If anything, pro-impeachment politicians should thank Defensor, for putting the spotlight back on the tapes. As we've said before: It's the tapes, stupid. Whatever its limitations, however, Defensor's expert analysis cannot be taken at face value.

But a Truth Commission can conduct an investigation that all parties can accept. It need not be an expensive superfluity; we believe that even a short-term Commission with, say, Christian Monsod, Haydee Yorac and Harriet Demetriou as members, can be credible, competent—and decisive. We believe—because we must—in the power of good men and women to rise above even the most unpromising circumstances.

Not least, the participation of more political movements, like Kapatiran, in the public discourse can also help provide a way forward. Veteran political operators may look askance at such groups, which place ethical considerations ahead of practical concerns. Such groups certainly look like apolitical fish out of very political water. But that may be the point. We need more Filipinos who, if they had to choose, would choose faithfulness to their principles over unprincipled success.

Dickey Gypped?

 Posted by Alecks Pabico 
PCIJ

FROM the looks of it, the two tracks that environment secretary Michael Defensor submitted to American audio forensic expert Barry Dickey for analysis may not have come from the Paguia tape as he claims.

This was the conclusion of our source, an independent audio expert, after reading Dickey's expert report on the said tracks.

Dickey's preliminary findings have pointed to certain "anomalies," in particular the absence of start and stop signatures.

Explains our source, "Mr. Dickey was expecting that the recording was done on a standard recording device. That's why he was looking for 'start'/'stop' clicks or signatures on both tracks. Obviously the tracks submitted were already edited and 'pre-selected' for analysis."

Since Jonathan Tiongco, Defensor's local audio expert, did not submit the entire recording but only two tracks, including the one with the "yung dagdag" portion, Dickey concluded a lack of consistency with original recordings.

From Dickey's point of view, that is an act of "splicing," our source says.

In the first track, Dickey also pointed to a sudden change in male voice/verbal pattern, referring to "participants in a manner that suggest knowledge of the recordings." Could the male voice at the front of the recordings that Dickey found strange either be lawyer Alan Paguia's (who inserted his own introduction) or the ISAFP agent's (who made the annotations before each conversation)?

But since Defensor is claiming that the tracks came from the Paguia tape, it couldn't have been the ISAFP agent since they were deleted by Paguia in his tape version, claims our informant.

Using Dickey's wave image on Track 1 as reference, our source is however clueless as to where this track was taken as he found no resemblance to any of the portions in either the Paguia tape or the three-hour recording.

However, doing a wave comparison of Dickey's Track 2, particularly in the first part, and the ISAFP agent's annotation of the conversation with the " yung dagdag" portion in the three-hour recording, our source found 100-percent identical wave characteristics in both.

"This has led me to conclude that Track 2 is not a Paguia tape track but a 'Tiongco-spliced' clip of 'yung dagdag' that included the ISAFP annotation," he says, indicating that Tiongco may have "pre-selected" in "cut-and-paste" fashion a portion of this track from the three-hour recording and created Track 2, which is an act of splicing.

The best part of Dickey's report, adds our source, is that there was no mention of any verbal or pitch anomaly on Track 2 — the "yung dagdag" track. "Simply because Dickey's pitch/discontinuity analysis on this track found none, except for the absence of "start" and "stop" signatures."

Randy David's Column

Public Lives : Clean hands

Randy David randolf@pacific.net.ph
Inquirer News Service

THE "GREAT DEBATE" on Charter change has hardly begun, yet the country is riveted once again on the sordid affair of the "Hello Garci Tapes." For two weeks following Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo's State of the Nation Address, the media stopped talking about the Garcillano conversations. Public discourse shifted to the parliamentary and federal forms of government and their relative merits. The embattled Arroyo government got the breathing space it needed to review its situation and to map out a plan to re-take the political initiative.

Ms Arroyo went on a media offensive, projecting the new confidence she drew from the orchestrated applause of her supporters at her last Sona. But the questions she was asked in her TV appearances could not be regulated. She found herself parrying persistent questions about the wiretapped conversations. Though she kept her composure and even managed to project cheerfulness, her answers were evasive. She refused to talk about her alleged conversations with Garcillano, invoking her "rights as an accused." Yet, in the same interviews, she was quick to deny meeting with election officials at her private residence in La Vista, Quezon City before the 2004 presidential election.

Having previously apologized on public television for a "lapse in judgment" when she called an election official during the canvassing period, Ms Arroyo was asked by GMA-7 anchor Mike Enriquez to confirm if the election official she did not name was Commissioner Virgilio Garcillano. She declined to answer. On another occasion, ANC anchor Korina Sanchez asked her pointblank why she felt the need to publicly apologize for a mere lapse in judgment. Her reply was as intriguing: "I should have been better."

That response is a take-off from the same theme she has spoken about on many occasions, namely, that our political system has so degenerated that it is extremely difficult to come out of it with clean hands. It shows a beleaguered politician wanting to regain some moral ground while refusing to render a clear account of her actions out of fear of the legal consequences.

In the impeachment court where the political opposition wants to take her, Ms Arroyo only needs a fraction of the votes she wields to kill the case against her. In the more unwieldy court of public opinion, however, where trust matters most, she needs to demonstrate the quality of moral fitness expected of the highest leader of a nation. This is especially so because of the extraordinary circumstances of her succession to the presidency in 2001. She took over from a morally discredited president who was taken out by the direct action of citizens acting on their own moral instincts.

If Ms Arroyo's political allies think they can go through the procedures of the impeachment process while blocking the admission of the Garci tapes as evidence, then their memories are short. They have forgotten how the fatal vote on the second envelope in the Estrada trial spontaneously brought the people out into the streets. That envelope was supposed to contain details of the hidden bank account of Estrada. Today, the public demands to know the truth about the Garcillano conversations. Are these conversations real? If they are, what conclusions can the public reasonably draw about Ms Arroyo's behavior in the 2004 elections? And what do these tell us about her fitness to lead the nation in these crucial times?

We may not agree with Mike Defensor's unusual methods, but his political instincts are at least correct. His desperate attempt to impugn the authenticity of the tapes is far more useful to his boss than the smug strategy of blocking the complaint at every point of the impeachment process. The real tribunal is the public one. Before the court of public opinion, there is no way of avoiding the Garcillano tapes. Ms Arroyo's allies can use their numbers to terminate the impeachment, but where will that leave her? She may retain the allegiance of legislators using the same decadent tricks that she laments in the present political system; but if she completely loses the trust of a nation that had looked to her as the last hope of moral renewal in government, how could she govern?

In the final analysis, Ms Arroyo has no choice but to tell a plausible story of her calls to Commissioner Garcillano. In her public apology to the Filipino nation, she had said she owed it to the people to set the record straight. Beyond insisting that she did not cheat in the last election, she has done nothing to dispel the suspicions that have hounded her presidency. She sidesteps the questions, even as she allows her operatives to obfuscate the issues. Mike Defensor's latest maneuver is continuous with Chavit Singson's "X-tapes"—the main goal is to plant enough seeds of doubt in the public mind about "spliced" recordings so as to diminish the probative value of the Garci tapes.

Ms Arroyo may be a little stronger today than she was a month ago. But whatever gain she has made has been at the expense of the moral community of which she is a part. In his little book, "Being Good," Simon Blackburn writes: "A different example of a bid to escape the stringency of behaving well is the excuse of 'dirty hands'." There is something not quite right about this, he says. "We have some sense that we should keep our own hands clean, however much others will then dirty theirs. The excuse is not open to a person of strict honor or integrity, however convenient it may be in practice. In many areas, it is not over and above the call of duty to keep our own hands clean." Will the nation survive this crisis with clean hands?

Arangkada for August 15, 2005

 

                HIGANTENG DAHILI

 

        Usa ka buwan ug upat ka adlaw na ang lapad nga pagdahili sa yuta sa Barangay Mayana sa Jagna, Bohol.  Inanay pero kanunay ang paglihok sa yuta nga nagsugod sa sayong buntag niadtong Hulyo 11.   Hangtod karon, wa pa ni mopakita og tilimad-on sa paghunong.

        Ug way bisan usa sa mga eksperto sa gobyerno, apil nang Mines and Geosciences Bureau sa DENR, nga nakahingpit na sa ilang pasiunang imbestigasyon sa katalagman, nga nakaseguro asa ni kutob ug kanus-a ni mahuman.

        Sa labing uwahing ihap, 140 na ka pamilya, o kapin sa 500 ka indibiduwal, ang naapektahan, dul-an na sa 100 ka ektarya ang yuta, kasagaran umahan, nga nangliki ug nidahili ug nahulga nang silingang lungsod sa Duero.

-o0o-

        Niadtong Sabado, ang Kapamilya Relief Campaign sa DYAB Abante Bisaya ug ABS-CBN Cebu nga gipangulohan sa among station manager nga si Tata Cinco-Sy, nitungas sa bukid sa Mayana, nga tungod sa iyang kahabog ug katugnaw gitawag og "little Baguio," dala ang mga sinakong bugas, sardinas, corned beef, noodles, mga plato ug ubang gamit sa kusina, sabong humot ug iglalaba, mga sinina ug daghang tambal nga hinabang gikan sa mga Sugbuanon para sa mga biktima sa lisod hisabtan nga katalagman.

        Samtang ang himsog nga mga sakop sa naapektahang mga pamilya nagbaguod pagsakwat sa sinakong relief goods, ang masakitong mga kadugo nakapahimus sab sa libreng serbisyo sa medical-dental mission sa mga boluntaryong doktor sa Bohol ug sa Central Command.  Ang mga biktima ug ang mas suwerte nilang mga silingan gitudloan sab unsaon paghimo ug pagnegosyo og bukhayo ug puto cheese ginamit ang kalbasa sa mga eksperto sa CSCST ug sa upisina ni Senador Manny Villar.

-o0o-

        Gihimo ang relief operations sa kapilya sa Sitio Ilawod daplin sa national highway nga nagsumpay sa Jagna sa ubang kalungsoran.   Tungod sa pagdahili, ang highway nahimong dakong bungtod ug di na kaagian.  Usa sa mga biktima niingon nga ang iyang bay inanayng gilamoy sa yuta ug gibalhin sa gilay-ong usa ug tunga ka kilometro.

        Daghan og mga pangagpas ang mga imbestigador sa gobyerno ug sa pribadong sektor sa hinungdan sa pagdahili:   Paghumok sa yuta tungod sa grabeng pag-uwan, pagputol sa mga kainginero sa dagkong punoan sa kahoy, ug paglihok sa yuta nga nagtungtong sa bukid nga anapog kada 100 ka tuig.

-o0o-

        Dalayegon ang paspas nga pagtabang sa lokal nga mga opisyal sa Jagna ug sa Bohol.  Pero ang mga biktima dunay reklamo batok sa tulo ka nasudnong ahensiya:

·        Ang SSS ug GSIS nagdumili paghatag nilag calamity loan; ug

·        Ang DepEd nagdumili pagsuspenso sa klase ug pagbalhin sa Mayana Elementary School bisan peligro na para sa mga bata ang pagtabok sa lapad nga luna nga naigo sa landslide.   [30]  leo_lastimosa@abs-cbn.com

Inconclusive Findings

Posted by Alecks Pabico 
PCIJ

AFTER a few weeks' absence from the political limelight, environment secretary Michael Defensor is back, though he is not going after environmental saboteurs.

The secretary has come out lashing at the political opponents of Pres. Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, armed with his own commissioned authentication of the Paguia tape (so called as it was released by Alan Paguia, former lawyer of ousted president Joseph Estrada), alleging that they were spliced so as to incriminate the president to charges of rigging the elections in her favor.

Defensor cited the analysis done by a renowned American forensic sound expert, Barry Dickey, on the materials — two tracks of audio recordings from the Paguia tape — he submitted which was based on the audio examination done by Jonathan Tiongco. Defensor, who has contracted Tiongco with the help of a friend in the media for his "technical expertise," described him as a "veteran audio/voice technician steeped in the process of sound and voice recording." (Tiongco's background and credentials are however suspect. See our next post.)

Dickey's report, however, was not at all conclusive. Using waveform and spectrogaphic analysis, the forensic expert pointed to several "anomalies" that cast doubt on the integrity of the recordings. But these "anomalies," he said, could be the result of "several transfers, which involved the audio being recorded/encoded/decoded by different devices."

Dickey's findings were also only categorical as far as the track involving the time code 00:00:33.00 to 00:00:35.00 is concerned, which is associated with a male speech, as being "inconsistent with the rest of the recording." Anomalies associated with the track referring to the part where " yung dagdag" is mentioned (time code 00:00:29.00 to 00:00:36.00), he said, will require further analysis.

In fact, the analysis is actually silent on the issue that the "yung dagdag" portion is spliced. To make his case, Defensor had to rely on the examination done by Tiongco to discredit the "yung dagdag " allegations, which is by far the most damaging to Pres. Arroyo.

Defensor claimed that by enhancing and time-stretching the "yung dagdag, yung dagdag" portion, it was revealed that the phrase was merely inserted to replace "Galban, Binalbag." What the words "Galban" and "Binalbag" refer to, Defensor did not say. (We heard they are places in Lanao del Sur. We did our research but did not find any place named as such in the province. There is a barangay named Binalbag in Agdangan, Quezon Province though, while Galvan is a barangay in Guimba, Nueva Ecija.) Tiongco's audio analysis report also pointed to the missing "d" attributes in the syllables to produce the word " dagdag."

Acceding to repeated questions from the media if it was indeed the voice of Pres. Arroyo on the tape, Defensor said: "It is the voice of the president but that is not the president talking. It is an electronic and digital manipulation to link the president to cheating and rigging the elections."

However, an independent audio expert we consulted, and who has done his own analyses of all the versions of the recordings that have come out, said that the foreign analysis is expected to come out "positive" on the matter of splicing because the Paguia tape is known to be a spliced version.

But the only spliced portions in the Paguia tape are the annotations made by the agents of the Intelligence Service of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (ISAFP), which Paguia removed, and the introduction added by the lawyer himself. Our source said the actual conversations of the President were preserved, with no discontinuties found, particularly on the " yung dagdag" part.

In fact, the "yung dagdag" portion is also found in the versions released by Press Secretary Ignacio Bunye (both allegedly "original" and "spliced") and the three-hour recording in the possession of former National Bureau of Investigation (NBI) deputy director Samuel Ong. A wave comparison of these versions can be found here. An FFT (Fast Fourier Transform) or spectrographic analysis will be made available in the next post.

It is also possible, our informant said, that the clip presented to the foreign expert was tampered, particularly the "yung dagdag" portion just to produce that "spliced summary result" presented by Defensor. Tampering, he said, is easily done by simply "deleting" a very small portion of the waveform particularly on the " yung dagdag" part which, graphically, will present an obvious discontinuity but will still "sound" identical with the three-hour-tape version when played.

Defensor, he said, should provide a copy of the exact clip submitted to the foreign analyst to the public. "But my guess is he wouldn't do that because that will be subjected to the same Bunye and Chavit tapes analysis. But if he will do that, we will simply wave "compare" his version with the rest — probably bringing forth a new version called the 'Defensor Z-tapes'," he said.

As to Tiongco, our source said he should be challenged to present an FFT analysis of the supposedly spliced "yung dagdag" and allow him to explain in public where the discontinuities are found and not just "play" it in public.

It would be better if he could do the same analysis on the three-hour-tape version, he said. "I bet, it will take him forever to find a single form of discontinuity on the three-hour-tape version unless he will do an analysis using his own version."

Untruth Commission

Separate Opinion : An expensive superfluity

Isagani Cruz
Inquirer News Service

SO many lies have been bandied around these days, so let me talk about the Truth Commission. It is another fiction.

It is intended to examine the charges against President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo in the legislative investigations, and possibly in her impeachment trial, about the Garci tapes and the "jueteng" illegal lottery scandal. If the reports are accurate, it is she who will create the Truth Commission, or more believably, she is at least proposing its creation by Congress.

As I have been mentioned for membership in the body, let me say at the outset that I am not interested. I am complimented by the suggestion but, on the remote assumption that I will be invited to it, I will gratefully decline. I am proud to say that I am persona non grata to both the administration and the opposition and have no wish to be identified with either of them.

Some self-appointed constitutional experts have opined that the Truth Commission is unconstitutional, but I do not think so. If its only purpose is to seek the truth, there is absolutely nothing wrong with it. But it would be different if its purpose was to twist the truth for the benefit of certain parties, be it Ms Arroyo or her critics. That would make it unreliable although still not unconstitutional.

What would make it unconstitutional is if the law were to provide that its findings would be legally binding and conclusive on the legislative investigating committees and also on the impeachment trial by the Senate. I do not think, however, that Congress, for all its follies, would be so foolish as to call for such ridiculous effect. Such a law would be invalid on its face for being incredibly presumptuous.

What then will be the use of the Truth Commission? Nothing. It would simply be the instrument for the ventilation of more lies by the parties peddling them for their own purposes. The members of the body would be the ineffectual audience and, worse, the unwilling purveyors of such propaganda. And all this would have to be done at considerable public expense.

The parties pro and con in the Arroyo drama have their own machines to publicize their respective positions, such as they are. The media can announce their arguments as news without cost of the taxpayers' money. Both the administration and the opposition have enough funds for this purpose without leaning on the Truth Commission for the dissemination of their conflicting ideas. Ordinary taxpayers do not have to contribute to the charade that is intended to deceive them.

The best argument that will render the proposed Truth Commission hors de combat is that its members will be appointed by President Arroyo. No one else can exercise that power under the Constitution. So, even if she discharges that function with utmost impartiality, there will still be that doubt in the public mind about her motives. Given her alleged indiscretions in the principal subjects to be investigated by the body, the Truth Commission will be dead even before it is born.

We had similar commissions in the past that were essentially fact-finding and without any adjudicatory powers. The Davide Commission during the Fidel Ramos administration and the Feliciano Commission to investigate the Oakwood mutiny enjoyed their brief glory but did not usurp judicial functions. The Narvasa Commission ordered by President Joseph Estrada to study changes in the Constitution was practically ignored although it also cost plenty of public funds.

Instead of wasting money on the Truth Commission, the government could spend for the resolute search and apprehension of Virgilio Garcillano, whose presence and testimony are necessary for the investigation by the five committees of the House of Representatives of the alleged irregularities in the presidential elections last year. Public funds intended for the Truth Commission could be better used for the protection of witnesses afraid to testify in the jueteng probe being conducted by the Senate.

If these objectives are unwelcome to the government, the money that can be saved by not creating the Truth Commission can be devoted to the purchase of school equipment and supplies for the 30,000 classrooms established by President Arroyo, as announced in her State of the Nation Address, or the distribution of medicines to the poor, or the feeding of the street children, beggars, and other worthy projects. The Truth Commission is not one of them.

The investigation and resolution of public issues should be undertaken by the legislative committees or the courts of justice and not the Truth Commission. In the case of impeachment, the proper and exclusive venue is the Senate. The Truth Commission can only be an interloper exercising improper functions for no other purpose than to promote partisan ends and personal egotism. It can only be an expensive superfluity that should not be allowed to exist.

Arangkada for August 14, 2005

 

           UWAW SA DENGUE

 

Kon may uwaw ang mga sakop sa Cebu City Council, angayng ilubong nila sa yuta ang ilang mga nawong. Kay ang gipatawag nga executive session niadtong Huwebes nga gitumong unta pagkumbinser sa mga Sugbuanon nga nahibawo sila sa ilang gihimong pagdeklarar og state of calamity tungod sa dengue nimatuod na man hinuon sa pagduda nga ang mga opisyal nga gitugyanan pag-umol sa mga balaod sa labing dakong syudad sa Sugbo tinuod gyod diayng mga ignorante sa dengue.

Salamat ni Dr. Enrique Tayag, ang pangu sa National Epidemiology Center. Kay di man siya under-the-bunal sa mga konsehal, nakapatuyang si Tayag pag-lecture nila nga way mahimo batok sa mga lamok nga magda sa dengue ang ilang gipanghambog pag-ayo nga mga kemikal ug mist spray machines nga balor og minilyon ka pesos. Ug nga mas epektibo gihapon ang way gasto nga pagpanlimpiyo sa palibot.

-o0o-

Hinaot nga dutlan na sa kauwaw ang mga konsehal ug magsugod na pagtuman sa mga rekomendasyon sa mga ahensiya nga direktang nakigsakbang ug tinuod gyong nasuhito sa dengue. Sama sa Cebu City Medical Center nga dugay na kaayong nangayo og blood bank refrigerator nga kapondohan sa blood bags para sa ilang mga pasyente sa dengue. Sama sa Cebu City Health Department nga nangayo og hematology machine aron mas daling mailhan ang mga pasyenteng may dengue.

Hinaot nga mohunong na silag yangu-yango sa ilang kaubang mga konsehal nga nagsige og hulhog nila pagpamalit og dugang kemikal ug mist spray machines. Hinaot nga di na usbon ang ilang pagkailad pagahin og minilyon ka pesos pamalit sa mga kemikal ug mga makina nga wa magamit kay di makabaraw, hinunoa makapasamot lang hinuon sa pagkatap, sa mga lamok nga nagda sa makamatay nga sakit.

-o0o-

Niay laing bulilyaso si Cebu City Councilor Gerardo Carillo. Nipahibawo siya sa TV Patrol Central Visayas sa niaging semana nga si kanhi Cebu City Health Officer Felicitas Manaloto ang nagpirma sa purchase request pila na ka buwan ang nilabay para sa chemicals nga balor og P2 milyones nga bag-o lang nangabot.

Pero atol sa interview sa DYAB Abante Bisaya niadtong Biyernes, si Dr. Manaloto kusganong nihimakak nga siyay nangayo ug nagpirma sa purchase request. Matod ni Manaloto ang tanang fogging machines ug chemicals nga napalit atol sa iyang pagduma sa City Health department pulos pinalit sa ubang departamento sa City Hall. Nihinumdom si Manaloto nga dihay mga higayon nga ang fogging machines nga para unta sa ilang buhatan gidiretso og hatag sa City Hall ngadto sa mga barangay.

Kinsa may utok sa gipatuyangan nga pagpangompra og chemicals ug sprayers? Limtanon ba lang si Carillo o gidalidali pagduhig si Manaloto aron pagtago sa gidudahang raket? [30]  leo_lastimosa@abs-cbn.com

Arangkada for August 13, 2005

 

             KUROG SA TAPE

 

Bisan pa og magusbat sa Malakanyang ang kaligdong sa tanang saksi nga ipresentar sa oposisyon, magpabilin ang higanteng pagduda sa ka-lehitimo sa mandato ni Presidente Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo kon dili matubag ang labing lig-on nga ebidensiya batok sa administrasyon: Ang tulo ka oras nga audio recording nga naglakip sa labing menos 15 ka panag-istorya sa presidente ug ni kanhi Comelec Commissioner Virgilio Garcillano nga nagbisto sa pagmaniobra sa resulta sa eleksiyon sa niaging tuig ginamit ang Comelec, militar, kapolisan ug ang kinatibuk-ang makinarya sa gobyerno.

Kay bisan sa mga pagsuway pagpahiyos sa importansiya sa Garci tapes, (1) nga di krimen ang pakig-istorya sa presidente sa opisyal sa Comelec, (2) nga di magamit ang tapes isip ebidensiya kay ilegal nga nakuha, ug (3) nga gi-doktoran ang inosenteng mga istorya aron lang pagduot sa presidente, nipasulabi gyod ang abunda, katoohan ug imposibleng ma-maniobra nga detalyadong kasayuran nga nitakdo sa mga panghitabo sa mga adlaw nga nahimo ang panag-istorya niadtong Mayo ug Hunyo sa niaging tuig.

-o0o-

Maong di ikahibung nga naabtan ang administrasyong Arroyo og duha ka buwan human sa pag-ulbo sa eskandalo sa pagpresentar og eksperto nga nideklarar sa audio recording nga "inusab." Ug di baratuhon ang eksperto nga ilang gisandigan. Si Barry Dickey, ang tagduma sa Audio Evidence Lab sa Arlington, Texas, maoy usa sa nag-authenticate sa labing unang tape ni Osama bin Ladin.

Segun sa iyang website,

www.audioevidencelab.com, si Dickey usa ka certified forensic expert, kansang trabaho naglakip sa audio-video authentication, digital enhancement/restoration, voice identification/elimination, analysis sa acoustic/visual media, ug transcription sa audio/video recordings.

Ginamit ang labing modernong DSP technology, analytical equipment ug microscopic resolution, ang labing inilang mga kaso ni Dickey nasibya sa CBS, Fox News, Forensic Files ug Science Frontiers sa The Learning Channel.

-o0o-

Pero ang expose ni DENR Secretary Mike Defensor napandol dayon dihang si Kongresista Gilbert Remulla nga maoy nagduma sa imbestigasyon sa Garcia tapes ni Atty. Allan Paguia ug sa gitawag nga "mother of all tapes" ni kanhi NBI deputy director Samuel Ong, niingon nga wa mangayo si Defensor og kopya sa recordings nga gihuptan sa lima ka mga komitiba sa Kongreso. Nangutana si Remulla kon di ba pinalit gikan sa Quiapo ang kopya ni Defensor.

Bisan unsa kamaayong laki si Dickey, ma-kuwestiyonable gihapong iyang findings kon basura ang gilawog ni Defensor sa iyang laboratoryo. Ug kon gusto gyong administrasyon nga mabisto ang kamatuoran, nganong duha ra man ka tracks, nga nilungtad lag pipila ka segundos, ang ilang gipahiling ni Dickey?

Atubangan sa dinalidali nga pag-usab ni Press Secretary Ignacio Bunye sa recording nga una ni niyang gi-warawara niadtong Hunyo 6, kuwang pa bang duha ka buwan aron maniobrahon ang kinatibuk-ang recording pagsegurong makumbinser si Dickey nga gi-doktoran kini? [30]  leo_lastimosa@abs-cbn.com

Dy's Discontent

Posted by Yvonne Chua 
PCIJ

WHO is the governor heard talking with former elections commissioner Virgilio Garcillano on May 28, 2004 in the controversial "Hello, Garci" tapes?

Two months after the recordings were made public, a source discloses that the governor is none other than former Isabela chieftain Faustino Dy Jr.

The ex-governor is in the news these days because of his supposed presence at the dinner President Arroyo purportedly hosted for Mindanao-based  election officers at her La Vista, Quezon City residence in January 2004.  Envelopes, each containing P30,000, were reportedly distributed to the Comeelc personnel in that meeting by Lilia "Baby" Pineda, wife of alleged jueteng lord Rodolfo "Bong Pineda.

In a statement issued on Aug. 5, Dy, who is the U.S., said he will speak, but only "at the proper forum.

The interesting thing about the May 29 phone conversation is that Dy—if the voice is indeed his—was not urging Garcillano to help in his reelection. In fact, he had by then just about given up on that.

Instead, the former Isabela governor was asking just one particular favor of the commissioner: to come to the aid of Sultan Kudarat gubernational candidate Angelo Roncal Montilla by immediately proclaiming him winner. That apparently was what Dy had also asked of President Gloria Arroyo, whom he supported in last year's elections. 

The ensuing events indicate that Dy's request to both the president and Garcillano was spurned, and may partly explain his dissatisfaction with, if not resentment toward Arroyo. (Malaya's Ellen Tordesillas has other details on Dy's dissatisfaction with Arroyo in her column " Root of Dy's discontent.")

The "Hello, Garci" tapes show that Dy, national chairman of the Nationalist People's Coalition founded by businessman Eduardo "Danding" Cojuangco, had decided to intervene for Montilla, a partymate who at the time appeared to be in danger of losing to Lakas gubernatorial bet Pax Mangudadatu.

"'Yan lang naman ang hihilingin ko naman eh…Alam mo naman hindi ako humihiling sa 'yo (That's all I'm asking. You know I don't ask you favors)," Dy is heard telling Garcillano.

On his own reelection bid, an obviously resigned Dy says, "Yung tungkol dun sa 'kin pabayaan mo na yan. Ok lang ako (Don't mind my case anymore. I'm okay)."

It is quite clear from Garcillano's reply that he would get his cue from the president.

In the end,  the Isabela governor did not get his way.

Montilla, who had been leading Mangudadatu by about 28,000 votes in nine of Sultan Kudarat's 12 towns, finally got beaten when the votes from the remaining three towns— Palimbang, Lutayan and Lambayong Mariano Marcos—rolled in. Mangudadatu had gotten nearly all the ballots cast in these towns. The provincial board of canvassers was chaired by controversial election supervisor Lintang Bedol.

How close the Mangudadatus, especially the governor's son Rep. Suharto "Teng" Mangudadatu, are to the president and First Gentleman Jose Miguel "Mike" Arroyo can be gauged from the other conversations in the tapes.

In her May 29 phone call to Garcillano, the president refers to "Teng," said to be the Sultan Kudarat congressman and from whom she had been directly getting reports on the election outcome in Cotabato.

Congressman Mangudadatu is also believed to be the voice in two of Garcillano's various conversations on June 4. In one of these, Teng refers to a request of "FG, 'yung boss natin ba, si Mike (FG, our boss, Mike)," an apparent reference to the First Gentleman.

According to Teng, FG was wondering how to delay the case of "Baiz Dilangalen." In last year's election, opposition candidate Bai Sendig "Baiz" Dilangalen, the wife of ex-Rep. Didagen Dilangalen, ran against administration candidate Bai Sandra Sema, the wife of Cotabato Mayor Muslimin Sema, in the first congressional district of Maguindanao. Dilangalen won.

The second conversation that supposedly transpired between Garcillano and Teng zeroes in on the canvassing in Cotabato City and how (Muslimin) "Sema" and (administration senatorial candidate Robert) "Barbers" could be helped.

Records show that the canvassing was subsequently transferred from Cotabato City to Manila. Sema beat opposition candidate Estrellita Juliano, but Barbers lost the senatorial race. Interestingly, the chairman of the Cotabato City board of canvassers was also Bedol.

Arangkada for August 12, 2005

 

            MGA SULBAD

 

Ang "Blueprint for a Viable Philippines" gitanyag ngadto ni bisan kinsang nangita og komprehensibong solusyon sa mga problema sa nasud. Gipanghinaot nga mawaling ang sentro sa atensiyon sa publiko gikan sa mga personalidad ngadto sa tinuorayng mga isyu. Gisugdan ni pag-umol sa tungatunga sa 2004 ug gisumiter sa pagtuki sa nagkalainlaing mga grupo.

Niangkon ang mga tigpasiugda nga inutil sila kay way gahom pagpatuman sa ilang mga ideya, maong gidasig ang mga partido ug ubang grupo pagtuon ug pagamit nila.

-o0o-

Niang ilang mga ideya nga gipatik ni Vinia Datinguinoo sa Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism (PCIJ):

• Sistema sa gobyerno: Ang pagpili sa porma sa gobyerno ikaduha ra sa panginahanglan sa lig-on ug gamhanang estado. Bisan ang parliamentary system nagkinahanglan sa pag-apil sa hamtong nga mga partido ug ang federal system nagkinahanglan sa lig-ong mga institusyon;
• Nasudnong utang: Di na kalahutay ang ekonomiya sa pagtipak sa nagkadakong bahin sa nasudnong katigayonan pagbayad sa mga utang. Makigsabot sa nautangang mga nasud ug mga institusyon ug mangayo og lima ka tuig nga lugway sa di una pagbayad sa interes;
• Krisis sa panalapi: Ang buslot sa buhis ug pangurakot nakapahilis sa katakos sa gobyerno pagpalambo sa nasudnong panalapi. Huptan ang yano ug makiangayong gross taxation system;

-o0o-

• Agrikultura: Hingpit nga ipatuman ang agrarian reform program ug ilambigit pagbalik ang mga umahan sa mga negosyo;
• Patigayon: Tungod sa ahat nga pagsud sa kalibotanong kauyonan sa pagbukas sa mga merkado, ang Pilipinas nahimong tigkompra sa mga produkto sa agrikultura. Pugngan una ang dugang trade liberalization samtang sublion ang epekto ini ngadto sa nasudnong ekonomiya;
• Pamuo: Padayong nidaghan ang mga way trabaho ug ang pagpada sa mga trabahante sa ubang kanasuran maoy nahimong paboritong tubag sa problema. Mosud og kauyonan sa ubang kanasuran aron kapanalipdan ang kahimtang sa overseas workers;
• Lumad nga mga grupo: Way nasudnong programa nga manalipod sa cultural communities. Angayng hatagan og unod ang sugo sa konstitusyon pagpanalipod sa katungod sa mga lumad pagpalambo sa ilang mga paagi sa pagpakabuhi;

-o0o-

• Populasyon: Tubagon ang wa matagbaw nga panginahanglan pinasikad sa tukmang gidak-on sa pamilya ug pagtubo sa populasyon;
• Panglawas: Bakwion ang desentralisasyon sa primary health care ug umulon ang matinud-anong social health insurance system;
• Edukasyon: Doblehon o triplehon ang gahin sa edukasyon. Umulon ang bag-ong curriculum nga mopalig-on sa kasaysayan ug kultura; ug
• Media: Ang media napakyas pagpalambo sa nasudnong kahiusahan ug kultura. Nahimo na hinuong instrumento pagdasig sa mga konsumidor pagasto. Umulon ang mga programang mohaom sa nasudnong katuyoan.

-o0o-

(Apil sa nag-umol sa blueprint mao ang mga makinaadmanon nga silang Francisco Nemenzo, Renato Constantino Jr., Randy David, Roger Posadas, Isagani Serrano ug Ma. Victoria Raquiza.) [30]  leo_lastimosa@abs-cbn.com

Dinky's Letter

Why I quit gov't and asked my boss to resign as well

by Dinky Juliano-Soliman
 

I JOINED government as a member of President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo's Cabinet because of the principles I have believed in and fought for in the last 30 years of my life. Justice, good governance, equality, empowerment of the poor and marginalized, truth, freedom and love are values and principles that have anchored my involvement in the struggle to transform society. It is because of these same principles that I resigned from government service last July 8, 2005, exactly a month ago.

Most of you have journeyed with me in the struggle to keep DSWD as I found it – insulated from politics. I admit to some actions that were politically motivated. I asked my colleagues in DSWD to implement projects for political accommodation. I now apologize for those instructions.

It was always a struggle between good and evil: old habits of traditional politics versus alternative new politics, with communities asserting their power. The first three years proved that the reforms far outweighed the political accommodation – especially when we were able to launch KALAHI-CIDSS; deliver on commitments on the Early Childhood Development program; install performance management systems; set-up the standards for DSWD institutions like Golden Acres as centers of excellence; start the Bright Child campaign for early childhood education, and many more enhancements of our on-going social welfare programs.

These outweighed my discomfort with the Balikatan exercise (I do not believe in foreign troops in our country) and other activities that I felt compromised my principles. I was conscious that compromises allowed me to protect the gains of the reform we were undertaking.

The period after the 2004 elections became very challenging. Thinking that the President had a clear mandate, I anticipated less political accommodation and that we could zoom ahead on reforms.

Most of you were witness to the series of accommodations that included the DSWD. Appointments of Cabinet members and heads of revenue-generating agencies were influenced by the factor of "those who helped in the campaign." The last three months were particularly difficult in emerging scandal. Most disturbing was a "jueteng" scandal involving the highest levels of government (that's the perception) after we threw out former President Joseph Estrada on the same issue. While we do not prejudge the outcome of the investigation, the tapes definitely cast doubt on the President's integrity and electoral mandate.

I have discussed these issues with her many times – alone, with the whole Cabinet, with the lady Cabinet members, especially in the last three months. We discussed ideas on how to win back credibility from a high distrustful people. There were two schools of thought: 1} political survival at all costs 2} swift and credible action of reforms to survive politically and govern effectively and efficiently.

Last June 27, the President broke her silence on the tape. I felt hope and was very encouraged because that was the signal to begin the swift and credible actions of reform. Yes, I did sing and meant every word I sang. Then the same pattern of non-action or slow action set in, especially when it would affect people to whom she owes debts of gratitude. The July 5, 2005 Cabinet meeting was a tipping point, where it became clear that the frame of action is really survival at all costs.

On a personal note, the questions of my children regarding what is right and what is wrong, what is true and what is false in all this made me realize that the only thing of real value I can leave them is a sense of right and wrong. I made up my mind that I needed to resign; I also asked her to resign for the sake of the country and our future.

Credibility and leadership The reforms necessary to reduce and eventually eradicate poverty require sacrifice from all sectors. There are those who need to give up a significant amount of power and prestige; there are those who will have to tighten their belts. To raise revenues for poverty reduction programs of government, we need to discipline ourselves and raise tax collection. This has impact on the working class who must also sacrifice over and above their current difficult struggle.

To move the country forward, we need a leader who can unite the country and undertake these difficult reforms. Unfortunately the President herself is the cause of division. While we are still struggling to ferret out the truth from all the scandals, she introduces another issue causing more division -- Charter change. And yet she also agreed to have a Truth Commission, which she will organize to investigate her actions. Over the past four weeks, however, we have seen the resources of government brought to bear on a media blitz to recover her image. The time and energy of Cabinet members have been used to defend the President and do things other than their work in their own departments. This is a President fighting for survival.

Mea culpa One question that has been often asked of me is, since I stayed four years and a half, was I not part of the mistake? I was. I believe that Arroyo is a product of her own personal history. She was exposed to and has accepted the practices of traditional politics like paybacks, pay-ups and dirty tricks, at the same time also believing in instituting reforms in the economic, social and governance spheres using principles of transparency, accountability, and service to the people. She believed both worlds could exist in one person, that the dissonance and disconnect would not clash in her and her actions.

On hindsight, the same thing happened to me. I was able to develop a team in DSWD that crafted and implemented a community-driven development program funded by the government through a 100-million-dollar loan from the World Bank. It brought the most marginalized communities the opportunity to use their power to analyze the situation and develop solutions implemented by them, for which resources would be made available to them. It was an empowerment program on a scale matched by resources. It was consistent with my vision of power to the people and it covered 5,000 barangay.

To get support for this program, I had to work with the rest of the Cabinet and Arroyo. I had to be and was a team player. So on the many times that protesters and critics of the administration were mobilized, I was to be part of the team, if not leading the effort, of what I now call "domesticating tactics."

I had directed my colleagues in DSWD to prepare packages of goodies for the urban poor communities either as part of raffle draws, food for work and family day activities to keep them from joining the rallies. We even had medical civic action with circumcision as part of the package. I admit I was one of those who crafted that strategy; I thought that rather than getting the urban poor out in the rally with the potential of getting pounced upon or even violently dispersed, it was better for them to stay in the community.

In the meantime, most of those who wanted numbers on the street began giving cash incentives for the people to stand an hour or two for their rally. The sacred right to stand up for your voice and be heard in the street, the right many of my friends had died for was now a commercial transaction. Truly, this has led to the commoditization of rights. This to me is the height of insult to the poor --we know they need the money so we bought their time. But it was not only their time we bought, we bought their soul, too, and in the process destroyed our own. Sadly, this was being done by both the opposition and government.

So as I was undertaking the empowerment processes in the KALAHI-CIDSS area, I was part of the domesticating process of the urban poor communities. The urban poor organizations I was relating with began to see me as their patron handing out favors or first information on benefits from government.

I was living two sets of values now. I was like Arroyo -- contradicting myself and counteracting my programs the way Arroyo proclaims transparency and accountability but with several parallel operations on an issue.

We were buying the people's loyalty. Instead of serving them as part of government's responsibility, instead of recognizing that the services we were providing were the rights of the citizenry. We invoked the utang-na-loob syndrome, exacting loyalty instead of recognizing that it is the right of the citizen and taxpayer to exact such services and programs from government. We used our power and resources to domesticate the urban poor. I violated a basic principle that I had fought for, for so long – people empowerment. I had become a party to their disempowerment.

On loyalty One of the strongest criticisms hurled against me was my disloyalty. How could a Cabinet member, a perceived close friend of the President, have the gumption to ask her boss to resign? Even some of my friends silently believe I could have made a mistake on this one. I have been reflecting on this point. It was not an easy decision, as I have narrated. It was a long and agonizing process. It was to wake up everyday and ask whether I was still consistent with my principles and the people I vowed to serve.

Arroyo, then VP, knew about Dinky only in October 2000. Contrary to popular belief, I am neither a classmate nor a long-time associate. We had a common vision for good governance born in the struggle against the Estrada government. Over the four years and six months we worked together, we developed a bond of mutual respect and got pleasantly surprised that we had some shared values, even common personal likes and dislikes of certain people. I treasure the relationship and would have wished I did not have to do what I did. I know it hurt her; it pains me that I had to do what I had to do.

It was clear to me that I was in government because of the principles and vision I believed we shared. The source of her authority emanates from the people by virtue of the mandate they gave her, both in EDSA II and the 2004 election. While it's true that Arroyo appointed me to my post, my loyalty to the people is higher than my loyalty to her because we are all ultimately accountable to the people. I believed that the reforms and the truth were compromised because she has lost credibility and leadership.

It would have been easier had I just resigned and carried on with my life in development work. But then I would not have only been party to disempowering the poor, I, too, would have been disempowered. Some of you might say, "Hello, wake up. Government is all about compromise." I say the people deserve more. If we want our democracy to work for all, especially the disempowered and oppressed, we all have to lay our stake and get involved in making it work as active citizens of this democracy. We have to speak up and act now.

Today's Gospel spoke of the time when Jesus walked on water towards the apostles in a boat. Most of them were frightened and thought Jesus was a ghost. But Peter was inspired. He jumped the boat and walked in the water, too. Pummeled by the waves and the lightning, he wavered, but ultimately kept the faith and did not sink.

We too have taken our "walk in the water." We too have been at the eye of a storm; we have been called traitors and have suffered much humiliation. But we believe our children deserve a truthful society and leadership with integrity. I have not taken an easy path, but we hope to keep the faith and our heads above the waters of despair and indifference.

De Quiros' Column

There's The Rub : Good men, too

Conrado de Quiros dequiros@info.com.ph
Inquirer News Service

I'VE always asked why God insists on removing from this world artists rather than politicians. A dozen local artists died in 2002 and about the same number last year, some of them our National Artists. I do not recall the politicians who did. I should add to my question why God insists on removing from this world the best rather than the worst politicians on the occasions that He does. We've just lost Raul Roco. Elsewhere in the world, Britain has just lost Robin Cook.

Cook died from a heart attack last weekend while walking on the highlands of his native Scotland. He was one of the most principled human beings in all of Britain. A brilliant debater and a much feared one in Parliament (legend has it that he once went over a 2,000-page report in a few hours before delivering a devastating attack on John Major's government over an arms-to-Iraq deal which sealed its doom), he was also a staunch believer in peace. He was visible in anti-war campaigns, notably the one on nuclear disarmament. He wasn't just a fair-weather friend to the cause, he was its champion in bad times.

He resigned his powerful post as leader of the House of Commons in 2003 (he lost his job as foreign minister a couple of years before over differences with Tony Blair) in disgust over Britain's participation in the Iraq invasion. I reprinted his hugely eloquent resignation speech, one that exposed the hypocrisy of the so-called "war," in this column then. "Iraq's military strength is now less than half its size at the time of the last Gulf war," he said. "Ironically, it is only because Iraq's military forces are so weak that we can even contemplate invasion." He refused to be part of it, opting instead to side with the British public, which was overwhelmingly against the war, and which was "suspicious [of] being pushed hurriedly into conflict by a US administration with an agenda of its own."

In his memoirs, which he wrote later, Cook accused Blair of going along with Bush despite knowing full well Saddam held no weapons of mass destruction.

As usual, the same unprincipled lot that made him pay for his principles was quick to praise his principles after he died -- in the same way that Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo was quick to do so after Roco died. Rogues do know how to lie through their teeth.

But Cook does have a thing or two to teach a world that is fast losing its moral moorings, this country faster than the rest. Like all the great men who have come before him, Cook has added new dimensions to the meaning of courage and compelled us to reexamine the nature of victory and defeat. He staked his career on principle, putting reason before power, compassion before greed.

It's not completely true that the evil that men do lives after them, the good is oft interred with their bones. No one will remember Bush, Blair and Ms Arroyo a few years from now. Everyone will still be lighting candles for Cook and Roco.

Apart from Cook and Roco, yet another person to have disappeared from this earth during the weekend was Ibrahim Ferrer. Which brings me back to what God has against artists. Not too many people know Ferrer, and if it hadn't been for guitarist-composer Ry Cooder, no one would have known him at all outside of his family and friends. Cooder went to Cuba in the mid-1990s and assembled a group of musicians that played vintage Cuban music. The group became the hugely famous Buena Vista Social Club, with Ferrer as lead singer, "the Cuban Nat King Cole," as Cooder described him in Wim Wenders' film biography.

What made the group special was not just that they were gifted musicians but that they were in their 70s and 80s. At the time Cooder discovered them, Compay Segundo was 90 years old and fit as a fiddle, or guitar, which was what he played. And he had been smoking Havana cigars from when he was 5 years old! Alas, Segundo would depart the earth earlier in 2003, as would the great Ruben Gonzalez, as fine a pianist as you could get. I have the CDs of Buena Vista, Ferrer and Gonzalez, as well as a DVD of Wenders' film, simply titled "Buena Vista Social Club," and I have listened to them again and again. Nobody plays that kind of music anymore.

And nobody else will, unless Buena Vista finds its own version of Michael Buble. They were pretty much the heart and soul of the band, Ferrer, Gonzalez and Segundo.

Ferrer himself had been a member in several bands in his youth, but had fallen on hard times when their kind of music faded from glory. At the time Cooder discovered him, he was trying to make both ends meet shining shoes. A friend of his told him about Cooder's rehearsals and asked him to go. Ferrer said he would go home first to change into more respectable clothes. His friend said no, the recordings were going on. So he went. It was magic from the first meeting. Cooder would say later on that Ferrer was someone you chanced upon only once in a lifetime. You hear Ferrer sing, you'll agree vigorously. He sings, particularly in duet with the great Omara Portuondo, with such luxurious romanticism, with such depths of ache and longing, you are thrown back to the Spanish times in this country. Rizal might have listened to something like that.

Ferrer won the Grammy a few years ago, to the elation not just of Cuba but the world's Latin community. Alas, he died too soon from emphysema at the very young age of 78 -- at least by Buena Vista standards.

What can I say? I can only thank them for making this world a little brighter. Or, in these vastly cynical times, for keeping the light burning a little longer.

Arangkada for August 11, 2005

 

                 SUD SA BOLSA

 

Kon nagsulti sa tinuod si Cebu City Councilor Gerardo Carillo, nideklarar ang Cebu City Council og state of calamity tungod sa pagsaka sa gidaghanon sa mga kaso sa dengue pero wa pa silay klarong plano unsay kahimanan nga pamaliton ug unsay ubang gastohan sa calamity fund sa syudad. Sukwahi ni sa pahibawo ni Cebu City Councilor Christopher Alix nga P4.5 milyones ang ipamalit og mga kemikal ug ibayad sa blood banks.

Bisan kinsay namakak nilang Alix ug Carillo, ang ilang kaubanan sa konseho maoy motumaw nga mga kengkoy. Kay niyangu-yango sila ni Alix o Carillo sa way pagsusi sa katinuod sa ilang mga pagarpar parte sa labing tukmang paagi pagbaraw sa pagkatap sa dengue. Ang resulta? Maayong pagkasud sa mga konsehal sa bolsa sa utok sa paglaktod sa proseso.

-o0o-

Gawas nga kusganong gisupak sa Department of Health ug sa Cebu City Health Department, ang deklarasyon sa state of calamity gihimo nga way rekomendasyon sa Cebu City Disaster Coordinating Council nga gipangulohan ni Carillo. Aron pagtabon sa bulilyaso, pila ka adlaw human sa deklarasyon, gidalidali paghimo ang rekomendasyon ug gipapirma ang mga sakop, ang ubang mga ngan gibuot-buotan na lang gani og pirma sa ubang mga tawo.

Nikumpisal sa DYAB Abante Bisaya si Cebu City Vice Mayor Michael Rama, presiding officer sa City Council, nga giuyonan sa mga konsehal ang deklarasyon human sila pasaligi ni Carillo nga nahingpit na ang tanang panginahanglan. Pero dili si Carillo ray nipasakay nilang Rama ug mga konsehal sa front seat. Kana, kon tinuod ang pangangkon ni Rama nga wa silay labot sa malisyusong maniobra.

-o0o-

Mas dako ang atraso ni Alix. Isip chairman sa committee on health, siya untay kampeyon sa mga panginahanglan sa mga ahensiya nga direktang nahilambigit sa kampanya batok sa dengue, ang Cebu City Medical Center (CCMC) ug City Health. Pero si Alix niisnab sa ilang mga panginahanglan ug niduso sa iyang kaugalingong plano.

Ang CCMC nangayo niadtong Abril og bag-ong blood bank refrigerator kay ang pondong dugo para sa mga pasyente sa dengue gisud rag ordinaryong refrigerator; samtang ang City Health nangayog hematology machine nga paspas nga makatino may dengue bang pasyente. Pero si Alix nagpaugat pagduso pagpalit og minilyon ka pesos nga balor sa kemikal ug sprayers.

-o0o-

Kinsa may constituents nga gisilbihan ni Alix? Ang mga pasyente sa makamatay nga dengue? O ang suppliers sa iyang paboritong mga kemikal ug mga makina?

Gibugoan gyod tingali si Alix sa ubang konsehal. Pila ka buwan nang nilabay, nakumbinser sab niyang City Council pagpamalit sa mga kemikal ug mga makina. Nakugang na lang ang taga City Health pag-abot sa mga himan nga gawas nga wa nila pangayoa di pa gyod maoy labing gikinahanglan sa kampanya batok sa dengue. [30]   leo_lastimosa@abs-cbn.com